370 20 8242 https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/32/13349/BloodyLowndesandtheBlackPantherParty_Tape8_File9.pdf 7de276f272de2b586febeb89af04529c PDF Text Text The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH The University of Alabama in Huntsville "Bloody Lowndes" and the Black Panther Party Speaker: John Hulett, Frye Gaillard I am Sherry Marie Shuck, Assistant Professor of History at UAH. \Velcome to the ninth installment of the Civil Rights Movement in Alabama, 14-week symposium centered around a series of public lectures, panels and first-hand account of significant events taking place in the state of Alabama. This series is held alternately at UAH and Alabama A&M University. After three years of planning, this unique intellectual project is a joint venture between Alabama A&M University and the University of Alabama in Huntsville. The members of the Steering Committee in alphabetical order are: Mitch Berbrier ofUAH, John Dimrnock ofUAH, Jack Ellis ofUAH, James Johnson of AAMU, Carolyn Parker of AAMU and Lee Williams, II, of UAH. Throughout its work. the planning committee has also been greatly assisted by the efforts of Joyce Maples of UAH's University Relations. We ask that you complete an evaluation form for this program and leave it here on the stage or with an attendant at the exit. This series on the Civil Rights Movement in Alabama would not have been possible without the financial support of numerous sponsors whom the planning committee wishes to acknowledge at this time. First and foremost is the Alabama Humanities Foundation, a state program of the National Endowment for the Humanities; The Huntsville Times, DESE Research Incorporated, Mevatec Corporation, Alabama Representative Laura Hall and Senator Hank Sanders. 1 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville Joining our efforts from Alabama A&M University is the Office of the President, The Office of the Provost, the State Black Archives Research Center and Museum, the Title III Telecommunications who are responsible for taping these sessions and we give a special thanks to all of you and Distance Learning, the Office of Student Development, the A&M Honors Center, Sociology/Social Work, Political Science and History. At the University of Alabama in Huntsville, we greatly acknowledge funding assistance from the Office of the President, Office of the Provost, the Humanities Center, the Division of Continuing Education, the Department of Sociology, its Social Issues Symposium, the Honors Program, the Office of Multicultural Affairs, Student Affairs, The Copy Center and the UAH History Forum Bankhead Foundation, which is serving as the local host for tonight's activities; and with the kind help of Staff Assistant Beverly Robinson, who has prepared a reception back stage immediately following tonight's lecture to which you are all invited. We would like to remind you that next Tuesday, November 6th , we have a special guest lecturer, Dr. Hilliard Lackey, Professor of History at Jackson State University who will speak on the Selma Voting Rights Campaign, which will be held in Room 111 of the School of Business at Alabama A&M University at 7 p.m. Next Thursday, our series will take place at the Ernest Knight Reception Center at Alabama A&M University. Our focus will be the struggle for voting rights in Selma, culminating in the event of March 7, 1965, known as Bloody Sunday in which state troopers in an armed posse led by local sheriff, Jim Clark, used clubs an tear gas to beat back peaceful marches attempting to cross Edmund Pettus Bridge on their way to 2 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville Montgomery. Our speaker will be Congressman John Lewis of Georgia's 5th District, one of the towering figures of the Civil Rights Movement. A native of Torre, Alabama, an author of Walking with the Wind: A Memoir of the Movement, published in 1998, Congressman Lewis was active in the national sit-ins, the freedom rides, the Selma movement and was at the head of the marcher's attack on Pettus. He will be joined by New York writer Mary Stanton, author of the book From Selma to Sorrow: the Life and Death of Viola Liuzzo, published in 1998. Tonight, we look at events that took place not far from Selma in a Blackbelt County, whose tradition of violence against African-Americans and Civil Rights workers earned it the unenviable nickname of Bloody Lowndes. Two classic examples of Lowndes County terrorism are the Klan murders on March 25, 1965, of Mrs. Viola Liuzzo, a white Civil Rights volunteer from Michigan along US Highway 80, followed by the shotgun slaying of Jonathan Daniels, a 26-yearold Divinity student from New Hampshire at Varner's Cash Store in Hayneville. Such atrocities had prevented any black resident from being registered to vote for over half a century, even though they outnumbered local whites by more than 3 to I. Blacks who wished to register not only faced expulsion from the farms where they lived and worked but also a constant threat of physical violence. In a county where only 800 white men resided, Mr. John Hulett observed in 1966, that "there are 550 of them who walk around with guns on them. They are deputies. It might sound like a fairy tale to most people, but this is true." Mr. Hulett was at the center of the struggle to bring change to Lowndes County and what he accomplished there had 3 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville repercussions far beyond the Blackbelt and state of Alabama. To introduce him with our second distinguished guest on stage tonight, prize-winning journalist, Frye Gaillard, a call upon Ms. Erin Reed, a history graduate student at the University of Alabama in Huntsville and president of Phi Alpha Theta, the history on a raring society ... Ms. Reed. Introduction: In defending the cause of freedom over the past 5 decades, Mr. John Hulett has served in many ways, from union activist and civil rights leader to county sheriff and probate judge. In his book, Outside Agitator, John Daniel and the Civil Rights Movement in Alabama, historian Charles W. Eagles, portrays Mr. Hulett as the leader of the Civil Rights struggle in Lowndes County and as a "tireless, determined worker with unusual intensity and powerful personality." Born in a tiny community of Gordonsville, Mr. Hulett passed his formative years in rural bonds. It was here, according to Professor Eagles, that his grandfather born in slavery had managed during his life to acquire more than a hundred acres in addition to a gristmill, a sawmill and a cotton gin. Finishing high school in 1946, Mr. Hulett soon left the family's farm to live in Birmingham. There, he was hired as a foundry worker for the Birmingham Stove and Range Company. This marked the beginning of his life as an activist, first as president of the Foundry Worker's Union and then as a reformer seeking to improve the lives of those in Pratt City where he lives. By 1949, he had joined the NAACP and after it was banned he joined the Successor Organization created by Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth, known as the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights. In Birmingham, Mr. Hulett was also successful in his attempt to register to vote. 4 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville Returning to Lowndes County in 1959, Mr. Hulett soon emerged as the leader of local efforts to combat the poll tax and to gain the right to register for local AfricanAmericans. This brought him into direct conflict with a white minority that dominated that county and that for 50 years had ensured that no black person could vote or serve on By March of 1965, only he and one other black resident had succeeded in being registered, despite an appearance at the courthouse in Hayneville that month by Martin Luther King, Jr., who sought unsuccessfully to register 37 local residents. In response, Mr. Hulett help organize the Lowndes County Christian Movement for Human Rights and served as its first president. Passage of the Voting Rights Act in August 1965 along with presence of federal registrars helped ensure that African-Americans would become a voting majority in Lowndes County. In order to solidify the gains achieved by this ___ and to prevent the local democrat party from again disenfranchising blacks by raising fees for office seekers, Mr. Hulett was instrumental in founding an alternative party, the Lowndes County Freedom Organization. This party was organized on April 2, 1966, with Mr. Hulett and it took as its symbol the black panther. In Lowndes County, he explained, we have been deprived of our rights to speak, to move and to do whatever we want to do at all times and now we are going to start moving. On November 8 of this year, we plan to take over the courthouse in Hayneville and whatever it takes to do it, we're going to do it. 5 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville In 1969, the Lowndes County Freedom Organization became part of the National Democratic Party of Alabama whose electoral victories the following year included that of John Hulett as sheriff, the first African-American to be elected to that office there. Tonight, Mr. Hulett will share with us memories of his life and struggle m Lowndes County from his youth and early involvement in the Voter Registration Campaign to the founding of the Black Panther Party, to the Selma movement and the murders of Viola Liuzzo and John Daniels and finally to the changes that has witnessed over the past 40 years. Along with Mr. Hulett, we are also privileged to have as our guest on stage tonight journalist and author Frye Gaillard. Mr. Gaillard will be interviewing Mr. Hulett. Mr. Gaillard lives and works in Charlotte, North Carolina. He is a free-lance writer with special interests in the culture, religion and social history of the American south. He has written or edited 18 books touching on various aspects of this southern experience from black and Native American history to country music and Habitat for Humanity. Mr. Gaillard is a native of Mobile and in 1994 described his own family's history in a book entitled, Lessons from the Big House, One Family's Passage through the History of the South. Between 1964 and 1968, Mr. Gaillard studied at Vanderbilt University, graduating with a major in history. After a brief ____ _ at the Associated Press in 1972, he joined the Charlotte Observer, serving first as a staff writer, then as editorial writer and columnist and finally as southern editor. He remained with this newspaper until 1990 when he decided to pursue free-lance writing. During those years, Mr. Gaillard won numerous awards for excellence in reporting including awards 6 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville from the North Carolina Press Association and the Associated Press. Among Mr. Gaillard's books are several that bear directly on the Civil Rights Movement, The Greensboro for Civil Rights Pioneers, The Way We See It, documentary , photography by the Children of Charlotte which he published with his daughter Rachel and the Dream Long Deferred which detailed the landmark school desegregation struggle in Charlotte. This book won the Gustavus Myers Award for writing on the subject of human rights. At present, Mr. Gaillard is working on a book detailing the Civil Rights Movement here in Alabama. It will be titled, Cradle of Freedom, The History of the Civil Rights Movement in Alabama .. It is scheduled to be published by the University of Alabama Press in 2002. We are pleased to have both interviewer and interviewee with us this evening. Please join me in a warm welcome. Frye Gaillard: We are happy to be here tonight to participate in this program. I was fortunate to be here for one of the other programs, with Diane Dash on September 13'\ two days after some fairly significant events in the world. My wife and I were driving down and we thought there would be us and Diane Nash at the auditorium, but it was an amazing turnout. It is a testament to the kind of interest that you have in this community, in this subject and also to the really well planned nature of the program that you have been fortunate to be a part of, I think. I have been asked and have worked for the last two years researching what the University of Alabama Press is calling a popular ~ history of the Civil Rights Movement. By that, they mean they want a journalist and a storyteller rather than a historian to write about it and to keep it short. One of things that I 7 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville have had the privilege of doing is talking to a lot of people who were foot shoulders in the movement, people that I have never in many cases ever heard of. I grew up in those days in Alabama and sort of came of age with an awareness of what was going on in the state. There are so many people who have such rich stories and one of those people are obviously the guest of honor here tonight, John Hulett. I knew that I wanted to meet John Hulett ever since the time in the early l 970's. I was working for the newspaper in Charlotte and I was doing a story on the impact of the Civil Rights Movement on the south in general and one of the places I visited was Lowndes County. I remember driving down one of the back roads in Lowndes County and Lowndes County has a lot of back roads. I was passing this farmhouse and there was kind of a rutted two-lane path that led up to the farmhouse and there was a black man sitting on the porch of this farmhouse. So, I drove up to just see what he might have to say about the Civil Rights Movement and the impact that it had on his life. He was a little skeptical at first of this white stranger who had driven up to his place, but we sat on the porch in these flimsy old aluminum chairs and we talked for a while and began to connect, I think. We started to talk about the movement and the impact that it had and I said, can you tell me what it has meant to you that the Civil Rights Movement occurred in the south and in the state of Alabama. He said, oh, that's an easy question to answer; the biggest difference it has made in my life is that John Hulett is sheriff of Lowndes County and I didn't know exactly what he meant and I said, well talk about this a little bit more. What do you mean by that? He said, let me tell you a story and he told me the story of the night that he was on his way home; this was a man named Ervin Henson. He told me the story of a night that he was on his way 8 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville home and his car broke down on the side of the road. So, he had to leave it and walk and this was not something that you wanted to happen in the pre-Civil Rights days in Lowndes County, Alabama. He was walking by himself on the road and a car with two deputy sheriffs passed by him. They pulled to a stop, demanded what to know what he was doing and he just told them that he was on his way home. They got out of the car and one of them clubbed him over the head with a nightstick. They handcuffed his hands behind his back and pitched him bleeding and semiconscious into the trunk of the police car. They drove around with him in the trunk of car until it was almost dawn and what Mr. Henson said is that it does not happen any more because John Hulett is sheriff of Lowndes County, Alabama. And the more I began to talk to people about this, the more clear it became that there were these sort of stages that the Civil Rights Movement went through. You had this kind of feeling of daybreak in Montgomery with the Montgomery Bus Boycott and the sort of first time that black people in a kind of mass way took a stand for freedom and justice and actually accomplished something and accomplished very tangible results. Of course, you had the freedom rides where young black people and activists served noticed that there was no place too terrifying for the movement to go and that violence would not overcome nonviolence no matter what. You had Birmingham with the police dogs, the fire hoses and those images that seared the conscious of people all over the country. You had Selma and the Montgomery March that led to the most revolutionary single change that the movement accomplished which was the right to vote for black people everywhere. You also had these other struggles that were taking place in Huntsville, Gadsden, Mobile, Tuskegee, Tuscaloosa and all of these other places and you 9 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville had the struggle in the Blackbelt that John Hulett knows so well, which I think the final movement was the victory over fear. If you were black ... and I am going to ask Judge Hulett about this in a minute. But, if you were black in Lowndes County, Alabama, you lived with fear every single of your life because you knew that white people, if they chose, could do anything to you that they wanted to almost with impunity, but at least the legal system would offer you no protection whatsoever and in fact, in most cases, was part of the problem and this is what they changed. This is the final stage of the movement and so that is what we will get to tonight. The format that we are going to use is one that neither John Hulett nor I would have thought of.; I think I am safe in saying. I was doing an interview with him in Hayneville at the courthouse and there was a professor from Auburn who happened to be with me who was so fascinated by the answers that I was getting to these questions that she said, you know, you guys need to do this publicly. We need to take you to some of the schools in Alabama. So, we tried it out before a couple of high school audiences and survived and we figured that was about as tough a crowd as we could have and then we did it at Auburn one time too. So, we are going to try it again tonight. Hopefully, it will work and if you have questions, feel free either to jump in or when I finish getting us started then I will kind of open it up to the audience and you guys can ask whatever you would like to know as well. So, I just want to say before I start what a privilege it is for me to be here with one of the genuine heroes of this movement that you guys have been talking about. Q: Judge Hulett, you grew up in the Blackbelt in the 1930's and l 940's. Talk a little bit about what it was like for black people in those days in that part of Alabama. What are 10 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville some of your memories growing up then and do you agree with Ervin Henson and others that it was a dangerous place to be if you were black? A: Certainly, I do. I was born in 1927 in Gordonsville, Alabama; that's close to ______ and doing that time the entire county was farming country. Most people who lived in that county were sharecroppers. You had to work on other folks plantation, if you know what a sharecropper is, and when you work on peoples plantations you had to do what they say do or you had to go or get killed or a thing of that time, but I lived in Lowndes County and grew up there. I went to school at an all black school and finished grammar school and high school. I came out of high school in 1946, but it was a lot filth that went on during that time. I can remember many times, at night times, we had a sheriff in that county, a real nice brother and he would drive by, and if you were walking the road at night, especially a few black boys walking the road, he would catch you and beat you. I know one friend of mine whose brother went to school with us that he beat one night and finally he died from that beating, but nothing was done about it; I can remember that. Plenty people he would beat. He would walk up to a place that if you had a music box playing, he would just walk up and take his Billy stick and tear it up and start shooting at it. He was that type of person. Oto Mural was our sheriff and he stayed in it as long as he wanted to. When he got ready to run for probate judge, the people denied him the opportunity to be the probate judge, but they wanted a man like that for sheriff. Q: Now, in the those days, back in the l 930's, the Tenant Farmers Unit, came into Lowndes County and tried to organize sharecroppers who were living in conditions not very far removed from slavery. I remember talking to one elderly man, Mr. Charles 11 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville Smith, who remembered that as a young man in Lowndes County we were working for almost nothing and he talked about how they struck to try to get paid a dollar a day and they walked out of the fields and the person who organized the strike at the Bell plantation that he was part of was shot down by the sheriff of the overseer in cold blood. Did you hear of those kind of stories when you were growing up? Did you hear about that kind of thing? A: Yes, I did. I talked to Mr. Lemon Bogen whose one of the persons who was involved. The late Lemon Bogen, he's dead now, but he also talked about how bad it was and how people would beat up people and shoot individuals. This was the beginning of the Civil Rights Movement when he started telling more about most of this type stuff. He always said when you go out on these plantations be careful cause they will kill you. Q: So, when the Civil Rights Movement really started in Lowndes County, Alabama, it was part of the collective memory of the people there and what could happen to people who stood up for themselves? I mean, you knew that you were laying your life on the line to do that? A: This is true. I did know that. Q: What do you think gave you the courage to do it? Was it some of the experiences that you had at other places? I know you left Lowndes County for awhile, worked in Birmingham, both in the Labor Movement and in the Civil Rights Movement there. Did you learn things there that were important to you later on? A: Yes, I did. In Birmingham I worked in Shuttersworth and the most important thing happened was the bombing of church, Author Shows house and Athrene Lucie was trying 12 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville to enter into the University of Alabama. So, a few of us got together and would sit guard at Author Shows house that night. Q: Now, he was an attorney? A: He was an attorney who represented Athrene Lucie and I can remember one night sitting there about 3 o' clock in the morning and a shout would come out, there's a car driving up with no lights on it. It was a police car and see most of this stuff that went on was done by law enforcement officers or people who they allowed to do what needed to be done. So, when we came out with those guns in our hands. The lights came on the car and then they said they were just checking to see how everything was. That was the beginning of it, but when I went back to Lowndes County it was a whole different ball game because Lowndes County was predominantly black as far as population but such a dangerous place to be in during that time and we got back into Lowndes County. We had a few people that tried to register to vote but was denied. There was not a single registered voter in Lowndes County and in 1965, the first week in March, the voter registration would be opened 2 days, the first and third week of the month. We got about 65 people to go and get registered to vote. Most of them were afraid to get out of there car when it they got to the courthouse, but somebody had to have the courage, so I took the leadership to walk in the courthouse and find out where to register at. The first thing l was told by one of the registrars was that we have not permitted you all here, go down to the old jail; that's where we going to register the people 2 weeks from now. I immediately went to that old jail, went all through it and looked at the gallows to see where they had been hanging people for years. You had to have that kind of nerve. Two 13 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville weeks later, we went back to that jail and I happen to take the leadership and carry the blind man along with me, the late Reverend Jesse Lawson. They passed two of us that day out of about 25 or 30 people that went through it. They passed me and they passed Reverend Lawson and you had to do answer questions on those older tests at that time. One of the questions that they asked me I can remember, what hospital the president had been in during that time. Now, there are no televisions, very few radios in the radio in the neighborhood, but I did remember it was Walter Reed Hospital and I said that and they passed me. I do not think I passed the test, seriously. They passed me to get rid of me, but every time the voter's registration was open I was back there again until we were able to get enough people registered to vote. Q: You had registered to vote in Birmingham when you lived there. ls that correct? A: This is true. I registered to vote in Birmingham. Q: So, some of the experiences that you had in Birmingham were kind of things that you imported back to Lowndes County? A: That's right. Q: I know one of the interviews that I did recently you mentioned Reverend Shuttlesworth. He tells the story of Christmas night, 1956, right after the end of the Montgomery Bus Boycott, and he had announced that the next day, December 26, he was going to ride in front of the bus in Birmingham. He was lying in his bed and the parsonage of his house and 14 sticks of dynamite went off on the comer of the house right under the bed where he was lying. The floor collapsed and the ceiling collapsed but fell just short of where he was. He felt himself falling through the floor to the ground, 14 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville landed on the bed and he said later that he felt like he was landing in the arms of God and if he had ever been afraid until then, he was never afraid again. I am guessing that kind of example of courage inspired you to look inside yourself for the kind of courage that you have because you had to have it in Lowndes County. A: Yes. You had to have it in Lowndes County. I lived about almost a mile and a half off the main. If you have ever lived in the country, you did not have cattle gaps because the drive crossed the cattle gap. You would have to open three gates before you get my house and that was the most fearful thing that somebody might be lying out in the weeds waiting on you. When you open this gate, they could ambush you, but it never happened to me. I kept God in the front and I kept doing what I needed to do to make life better for the people in our country. Q: One of things that happened in a lot of places during the Civil Rights Movements was that in every case there were local people who were there to take a stand. They would stand up for what was right, what was just and what was decent and fair, but there was also in many cases people who came in from the outside to encourage people. I want to talk about two of the people who came into Lowndes County. One of them was Stokeley Carmichael and the other was Jonathan Daniels. Now, there were others too who were every important and we have talked about them as well, but let's take those in order. Give us your recollection of Stokely Carmichael, one of the toughest organizers in SNCC; I think its fair to say. What was your impression of him as a person, a human being, an organizer and a leader and how well did you get to know him? 15 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville A: Just like a brother because he had worked around me quite a bit. I think Stokely was a great person. He had worked in Mississippi with the movement there and when he came into Lowndes County he knew he had an uphill journey. We worked close together and that is why we organized the Lowndes County Freedom Organization. Every place they would go into they was looked at by state troopers every were they went. I remember one incident that took place. One day, there was a group of people that decided to picket in Fort Deposit, Alabama. They arrested about 20 people in that area. Stokely was a passenger in a car and during that same day was arrested and charged with reckless driving as a passenger. So, you can see how bad they wanted Stokely Carmichael. He was great person. He was a great organizer. He stayed with the people in the community and we worked together to try to make Lowndes County better. We had organized the Lowndes County Christian Movement for Human Rights. If you can remember the movement in Birmingham; it was the Alabama Christian Movement. So, the day we went over to get registered and was denied that right, Dr. King came over, but we didn't see him, we went down that night and organized the Lowndes County Christian Movement of Human Rights. I was chosen temporary chairman of that group until we was able to have a mass meeting and the people decided to go ahead and keep me there, but this was the beginning of it. Q: Now, there were people who later came to regard Stokely Carmichael as a violent person. Did you think of him that way? 16 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville A: No sir. He was not a violent person. I never saw him do anything violent to anybody. He would speak up, but he would not threaten anybody or talk about killing or all that type stuff. Q: And that was most emphatically your experience with him in Lowndes County. A: This is true. Q: Okay. Let's talk about Jonathan Daniels a little bit, a white, Episcopal seminarian who came to Lowndes County and did not get out alive. What was your view of Jonathan Daniels? A: He was a great person. He was interested in what was going on. He did not try to do anything wrong. The day that they had this picket in Fort Deposit, Alabama (that's the largest town in the county) he joined that group without my knowledge. I was in Fort Deposit, but I did not know he was going to be a part of that group and it was dangerous for any white to join the black in Fort Deposit. When got there that morning in town, they had every police officer they could get and everything, just waiting. In a moment, if they made about IO steps, they were arrested and out in a two-cell jail with 20 something people. They had to get a dump truck. You know what a dump truck is. The one with the side bars on it. They put them on that dump truck and put a black police officer and brought them in. This was when Stokely was arrested. They wanted him so bad. I am going to be honest with you. There were two pickup trucks and everywhere they would go, one of the trucks would get in the front. If they would make a right into them, the one behind would get in the front and just hit breaks all of a sudden until it made them bump them. When they bumped them, the police arrested them and put both of them in jail and 17 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville charged them with reckless driving. I have a record of that showing that 2 people got charged for reckless driving in the same automobile, but this was the type of situation we lived in that day and time. There were white people that walked around with shotguns. I can never forget that day. I went to the town hall to try to make arrangements with the chief to try and get them out of jail. I could not get anybody to go with me, but I finally took the same car they were driving and drove it to the town hall and waited there while and carried another fellow. There was 14 people and I am not going to lie to you sitting on the sidewalk with shotguns, rifles and pistols. Q: White people? A: White people and they all came inside when the chief of police came in. He wanted to know what I wanted and I told him that I wanted to try to make bond to get Stokely out of jail because I believe they would kill him there. He said no that I could not get him out of jail he is up in Lowndes County and I can never forget the last man. A double barrel shotgun passed by and I rolled my pistol on the floor and he almost ran over the next man. I can remember that just like daylight today and I found out then it has to be a group of you doing it to do it like it ought to be done. You know what I'm saying. They were afraid themselves, but they were out there doing these types of things. Stokely stayed in jail; that was on a Saturday. On Wednesday, I went by the jailhouse and carried food to feed the people that they took to jail. Some of them we made bond, except for Stokely and one or two more. On a Friday evening, I went to Montgomery and when I came back the town was full of police officers and other white people. Black folks were afraid to speak to me almost when I got out of the car on the comer at the intersection. I asked 18 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville what was going on. Why were all of these people were in town? They said, they killed those two white preachers. That's what they said. They had killed Jonathan Daniels. They first shot and killed him and the second shot hit Father Marshall from the back and it took 12 hours to operate on him at St. Jude Hospital, but he finally lived from it. I have had seven meetings with him since that time. This was the kind of conditions we had to live in during that time. Q: How were you able to persuade the average person in Lowndes County that it was possible to change a situation that went as deeply as this one went, where white supremacy was defended as completely by violence and any means necessary? How did you convince people that it was possible to make a change? A: We were meeting together in groups. We were having mass meetings and we would speak to them from those mass meetings. He gave a lot of courage to people that they could overcome what was going on. We would talk about what was going on. We would go on plantations on a daily basis. I quit my job and the movement paid me. The Lowndes County Christian Movement gave me a salary to work. Q: How much was that? A: My salary was 25 dollars every first Sunday; that is a month. I did not work long hours. I just worked about 9 or IO hours a day, 6 days a week. When I went on plantations, bosses were there. You had to have a lot of courage to stand up. I would carry about one or two ladies around with me, most times just riding with me. I would speak up and be straight to people. I was able to get a lot of things done when I started doing that. People would go out and get registered. They just believed that I was doing 19 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville the right thing. Not only me, but there were other people in the movement as well, like the Jackson family, Mattie Lee Murrell; these were older people. They were strong. They stood up and decided to go ahead and go out and register to vote. They wanted to change life for their children and themselves. Q: One of the people that I interviewed in Lowndes County was a SNCC organizer who came in there by the name of Bob Mantz and he still lives there. I was asking him where he found the courage to do the things that he had to do. He said it was so terrifying. There were times when he could barely make himself do the things that he needed to do. I said, where did you find the courage and he said it came from the people of Lowndes County. He told me the story of going to this house where an elderly black woman, almost I 00 years old, was bedridden. She was lying in a bedroom off from the living room where he was talking to other people in the family. He heard this frail voice saying tell that boy to come in here; I want to talk to him. So, he went in to talk to this old lady. She looked up at him and she pointed this bony finger at him from her bed and she said, I have been praying that you boys would come into Lowndes County ever since I saw you march around Mr. Lincoln's grave. Of course, what she meant was that she had seen the march on Washington in television and had been praying that people would come into Lowndes County and trigger a movement in Lowndes County. Bob Mantz said and what I have heard you say as well is that the courage of average people became contagious after awhile. People just held each other help. That is the example from you and other some other people. 20 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH ~ The University of Alabama in Huntsville A: This is true. At the same time, there were people who worked on the plantation. If you were hoeing, you made 25 cents a day and if you were on ____ you got 50 cents a day. We started telling people to go to Montgomery and get jobs and start making life better for them. So, that gave them a lot of courage to come out and do what needed to be done. That made a difference. I want to say one other thing. When Stokely got arrested in Prattville I was suppose to have gone over with him, but I had another speaking engagement with a group of folks in my county. He got arrested the next morning. A young lady called me, a school teacher named Ms. Darby Henson. She said, come ride over to Prattville with me. When I got over there, Stokely was in jail. I drove up to the chief of police and asked him could I walk down the hill to one of the Civil Rights workers; they are in a housing house. He said, go ahead but do not stay long. I walked just a short distance and when I looked out of the window he had a carbine rifle punching her in the car, and that was the most hurting thing I have ever seen in my life. So, I came back out. They had the National Guards. State troopers were over there. When I came back out, the punch did not hit me, but they punched after me until I got to the car. I got in the back seat of the car on the passenger's right side. The same person opened the car door and punched me in the face. Ifl had not snatched by head, I would have broken my jawbone. I made up my mind. I am going to say this because I am serious about it; I was going to get him if I had to burn his house down, his wife and children. Let me be serious with you. I went home that night and prayed about it. It looked like the Lord just came to me like daylight and said do not do that; that is not the way to do it. I did not do it. I prayed about it and things changed for us. Sometimes, you cannot take on violence 21 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville because you believe you ought to do something. You cannot make a fast decision, just pray about it, but I was punched in the face. A few months later I had a gun in the _____ . I went to Montgomery to get the gun out the shop. I had to go up to a lawyer's office. I got on the elevator. Now, I do not even know the man because I never seen him before who punched me in the face. So, when I got on that elevator, he was on that elevator and he came off running like a ____ . The people over there were saying what is going on. I said, do not worry about it' everything is okay. I am not going to bother him. When you treat people wrong, it will come back to you. The next time I got a chance to see him was at the University of Alabama. Everybody was introducing themselves. I was just elected sheriff. When it got around to him, he was sitting across the big conference table and he gave his name in front of me, but he never was able to come back and say I am sorry and that is a bad thing. When you do wrong, you ought to do it. While I am telling it, I want to tell this incident. In 1983, in the line of duty, I got shot in the back by a black man who was on drugs. Q: You were sheriff? A: I was sheriff. One of my deputies reached to shoot him closer than this gentleman over here. I told him not to shoot him. If he was shooting to kill that man and made a mistake and killed somebody else, he would have done more harm than it helped good. After he went to the penitentiary and stayed awhile, I never signed papers to keep him in, I met him one morning after he had gotten out and we out our arms around each one other and forgot about everything. A few months later, I married him to a girl from Pratt, Alabama. I think this is the type of life you have to kill. I think about Jesus Christ, who 22 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville died on the cross for our sins. If we are going to hold things against one another the rest of our lives, white or black, we are wrong. There was an elder man who was part of our movement by the name of Mr. Calan Hayes. We would call him CC Hayes. He always said, John whatever you all do, do not try to do evil for evil to people, not even to us. He passed away a few months ago, but I thank God for that type of thing. We have tried to live right. Q: Let's talk about this whole idea of the changes in Lowndes County and the whole idea of forgiveness and fairness once those changes happened, two questions about that. First of all, in 1966, you ran for sheriff for the first time under the banner of what some people called the Black Panther Party. Now, that was not literally the name of the party, but the emblem of the party was the black panther. Talk about the symbolism of that party, why you ran under that banner and then we will move on to the next question which has to do with when you were elected in 1970. A: Let me say this, I did not run. I was head of the Lowndes County Christian Movement and in 1966 when we got ready to run candidates the Democratic Party, if you can remember, had over the banner white supremacy for the _____ . There was a 50 dollar fee to qualify for sheriff. When we got ready to run, a black man Sidney Logan, Jr., they went to 500 dollars. So, we immediately decided to organize the Lowndes County Freedom Organization and we had to have a symbol, like the rooster was for the Democratic Party or the elephant was for the Republican Party. We organized the Lowndes County Freedom Organization and we had to come up with a symbol. We kind of kicked names around and we came up with the black panther. The reason why we did 23 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville this is because the black panther is not a violent animal but when you push it to a corner, it will come out and do whatever it has to do. If you lived in Lowndes County, you better had something to let folks know you were serious about it. So, we chose that black panther for the party. We lost the election in 1966 and something happened to us. If you can remember, in California, there was a group who was in Lowndes County doing the election in 1966. Q: Huey Newton and some others? A: Huey Newton. They went back to California and got their guns and things. They would get in their cars and follow a policeman around and one of them finally killed a police officer according the records. Because of that, we just decided that the emblem of the black panther was not the best thing for Lowndes County people. We did not want anyone to get hurt in Lowndes County because of what they were doing in California. Dr. Jordan Cassius, from Huntsville, Alabama, came down to Lowndes County and Green County and we got together and organized the NOP A and used the eagle for our symbol and nobody said a word about that. Logan lost in 1966 and in 1970, I ran for sheriff under the National Democratic Party. I won by 210 votes because a lot of our people were afraid to vote for me because there was a thing out that they were going to kill John Hulett if he wins within 3 days after I was elected. I had to go to a lot of these old people that I had trusted in and that loved me because they did not want to see me die. So, I said go ahead and vote for me. I will live ifl have to stay in the woods 3 days. After that, I won 5 more elections without having any problems whatsoever with white or black. 24 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville Q: That is right. It was not you that lost in 1966. It was Sidney Logan and then you ran in 1970. In terms of the kind of spirit that you brought to the Office of Sheriff after you were elected in 1970, the spirit of justice rather than revenge, talk a little bit about your relationship. I think it is a great illustration of this point with Tom Coleman. Tom Coleman was the man who killed Jonathan Daniels, blew him away with a shotgun in cold blood at point blank range in the summer of 1965. Can you tell the story about just before you were running for sheriff that Tom Coleman drove up to you on the square in Hayneville? Tell people about your story. A: He drove over to the square in Hayneville and said John, would you mind riding with me to Lonsborough. Here is the guy who just killed one person and shot the other. I had to show him that I had enough courage to get in that car without a gun or anything. I stepped in that car because I did not think that anybody could do anything to me for driving the car and being up there with him. We rode to Lonsborough and we talked about the incident and what took place. The first thing that he said was that people pushed him in a corner to do this. You know, there was people who encourage him to do this; that is what he was saying. The next thing, which I would not have done to any black, he was trying to do this to white people to keep them out of Lowndes County and from helping us and to slow the process down. This is what this was all about. I told him then that I was going to run for sheriff and I would appreciate it if he vote for me. He said, well I cannot vote for you, but I know you are going to win it. After I won the sheriff race in Lowndes County, he was one of people that kept a monitor in his house. He would call me on a daily and nightly basis. He would let me know that the troopers 25 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville were trying to get up with me and that I got some debris on the highway. He would get on the road with me at 2 o'clock in the morning. He would clean up the highways. He had done that for me. I think that sometimes you have to live the kind of life that the Lord wants you to live and treat folks like human beings. I never was afraid of him. I worked with his son as a state trooper and an investigator, but this is the type of thing that I have done. I think the best thing in the world to do is let people know that you are not afraid of them, but you are going to do the right thing; black or white, it did not make a difference. Q: Would you say this man became a friend of yours? A: Yes. He became one of the best friends I had as far as letting me know what was going on and talking to me on a regular basis. He had done that. Q: Why do you think he did that? A: I think it could have been out of fear. He could have thought I was going to try and pay him back. A lot of things could have happened. I can never forget. I want to say this while I am talking. I went into Fort Deposit and I walked into a drug store. There were 11 or 12 women in that store and one man who was filling prescriptions. While I was in there, there was a guy who walked around on the outside all the time with a 38 on him with a ____ . Just as I started out of the door, the main way to ____ school, until I got almost to the door like this here, he walked in and said who is your damn so and so and cussing on. Those women were running out of that door. Two or three were trying to get out at the same time. I looked around at the man who was filling the prescription and I would not lie, he was shaking and trembling so the pee was falling on 26 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville the floor. Somebody has to have some courage. So, I turned around and walked back in there with him wherever he went. Q: The man with the gun? A: Yes. You might shoot me, but you are not going to shoot me in the back. I am going to take this gun from you or you are going to have to shoot me right. I walked back in the store with him for about 5 minutes. He never said another word; I just took his nerve. I finally picked up a bar of candy, paid for it and walked out. He, the drugstore man and I were the only 3 people in there. I never had another word from him. Later, he pulled a gun and said he would never let a nigger arrest him. He pulled a gun on a black man in Fort Deposit and that next morning I go to work after the warrant was signed, he came into the office with Mr. Tom Coleman. That is smart. You understand what I am saying. He believed that Tom Coleman could straighten out some things. I made him sign his bond. I fingerprinted him and told him to make sure you show up in court when time to come and I did not have anymore problems. I never heard another word from him, but he did go to court. These were the types of situations you had to live in. It did not make any difference whether you were right or wrong, white or black; you had to do what was right. I stood my ground the whole time I was in the sheriffs office. I did not care what color he was. If you committed a crime, you went to jail. I would call you and if you did not come, I would go get you. Q: Did you ever have any dealings with George Wallace when you were sheriff? A: Truthfully, I had dealings with George Wallace. George Wallace turned out to be one of my best friends. The first time I became sheriff he had a parade in Greenville and I 27 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville was the only black sheriff in that parade. I can remember walking by him and he gave me some of his material. Every time I would go to their captain for anything, he would say, sheriff what you want. I had a small staff when I started as sheriff. There was only 3 people. I went up one day and said I need a larger staff and he said okay and tell your representative to come by. I told me my representative, but he did not go by. Two weeks ago, I got a check from him to pay for another deputy. That was the kind of person he was and whenever I would come around he would get up and take a picture with me. He would call my house on the weekend and when I got shot, he would call my wife every weekend, Friday night, and tell her whatever he could do to help he would do it. This was the kind of person George Wallace turned out to be with John Hulett. I was not no Uncle Tom, but I was just doing the right thing. Q: Before we open it up to everybody else's questions, as you look back on the experiences that you had in Lowndes County and the impact that the movement had in Lowndes County and other places in Alabama, what is your bottom line summary of those days. What do you feel was accomplished? To what extent was the movement successful and to what extent did it fall short of what you had hoped for? A: Let me refer back to two things. If you all remember, in the state of Alabama, the only people who served on jurors in the state of Alabama were men. There were very few black men in places like Lowndes County. It was Lowndes County who went to Montgomery and filed a snit, White versus Crooks to allow women to serve as jurors in the state of Alabama.; that originated in Lowndes County, Alabama. The first place they camped out in Lowndes County when they came in was Rose Steel's property. Her 28 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville granddaughter was the individual who _____ , Ardenia White. So, that is why women are serving today in the state of Alabama. We also had the justice of peace system in the state of Alabama. Most of you might remember the justice of peace. Every county had a justice of peace. In Lowndes County, one day, I was arrested and charged with reckless driving. I went straight to the justice of peace office and said, what would it cost me for this ticket. He said, it was going to cost you I 00 dollars and 11 dollars court cost. Excuse me for the expression, but I said I will die and go to hell before I pay it. He said, you can get ready. Next week, I went to Montgomery, attorney Salman Say's office, and talked to him about it cause every justice of peace fine you give them, they get 5 dollars out it. I went to federal court and that is why they do not have any justice of peace in the state of Alabama today. The judge ruled in our favor. That was helpful to the state of Alabama and the woman serving on jury was helpful. There was a number of other things that took place in that county. People were able to hold public office who had never held public office. We got plenty of them now, men and women, not only in Lowndes County but in surrounding counties because of our courage and things that we have done. I have gone into other counties and our joining county, Wilcox County has a black sheriff. When he got ready to run, I encouraged him to run. I went down and spoke for him and he won that election and he has been there ever since. It is a lot you can do to help other people if you would do it. Today, we are still working hard trying to make life better for the people in our county. Let me say this. I am retired now and I could not run for probate judge because of my age, but each morning of my life I get up now and go out and do something for somebody. I pick up aluminum cans off the street and give to the 29 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville scholarship fund to help children to go to college. I have a group that takes care of it. I plant gardens so there are plenty vegetables to give folks who cannot afford to work. The older people who cannot cut there yards, I cut there yards free. If you need a ramp built or a wheelchair or something, I go out and do it free for people. This is the type of life I live today. God has blessed and I reach out and try to help others. I want to advise all of you, let's try to do the same thing. Q: I think maybe this is a good time to open it up to questions that people out there may have, things that they want to ask Judge Hulett. A: Okay go ahead. Q: If you want to ask them, I will repeat the questions just in case everyone cannot hear you. Do you consider the adverse situations that you faced in Lowndes County, the opposition that you faced when you tried to stand up for what was right, to be state terrorism against the people of Lowndes County? A: This is true as I have said it to a lot of young people lately because I go out and talk to them. I am use to terrorism. We have had it in our county. We have had it in Birmingham and we have had it in other places. When the people crossed the Edmund Pettis Bridge, there was terrorism. When I was punched in the face in Prattville, there was terrorism. We did not have any killing. That was the only difference; it was on a small scale. There was a time in Pratt City, Alabama; I was living in Birmingham. One night, there was like 15 young people who wanted to see the Klan walk up Highbuyon A venue. I took them out there to show them and they had their robes and everything on. They asked me who are these people. I said, these are the same people that you are trading with in stores on an 30 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH ~ The University of Alabama in Huntsville every day basis, most of them are, but they are Klan men. Do not be afraid because you are with me. As we stood there, they drove by singing the Dixie song or a thing of that type with the lights on in the car. These are the type things I have gone through for years. I am not afraid and I try to be straight with my people and say everybody was not wrong, but there were a few people who would do anything. In terrorism, you are going to reap what you sow, so we need to work together and try to save our people instead of trying to destroy them. Q: How many people, African-American people in Lowndes County, did it take before there was sort of a help factor where you felt you were going to succeed. You started out with a little group. How big did the group get? A: Each Sunday night, we would have our mass meeting in groups. We did not have a church large enough to hold us after a few months when we would go in the county. The question was some churches were afraid for us to go in because they thought someone would burn their churches. There was not church burning in Lowndes County, if you remember. There were 2 or 3 churches going in Lowndes County. We had a poverty program burned and one day a white church burned. I was at the University of Wisconsin at that time. This white church burned and no more burning take place in Lowndes County. That is the sad thing, but that took place. Q: In all of your trials of getting registered voters, where was the Federal Government at this time. At one time, I read an article that you recruited a bunch of _________ registered voters. (inaudible) 31 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville A: They came down, but let me be honest with you all. On the first election in 1966, they would be standing out there. I think they were scary and most black folks were. I am serious. I can remember in the ___ area in 1966 when they had the election, somebody cut the lights off in the building. Let me tell you, everybody just froze. Stokely and them were there and they went out and turned the lights on their cars, but those federal agents were just as afraid as anything else. They would not say anything. Several white people that I know brought the people that worked on their plantation in with them and went in and voted their ballots for them. That is why we worked to get that law changed where you could not help your boss man. Now, you can help anybody you want, but your phone cannot help you. If you work for a company, your boss man cannot help you raise the vote in the state of Alabama. We had to get that changed and it was Lowndes County who played the biggest part in that. People were evicted off their plantation because they registered to vote and we put tents out there on highway 80 and tried to be fair to people. We did everything we could until there were able to acquire land to move into. We filed a suit to stop the evictions. That is the only suit that we lost. Q: Did you know Viola Liuzzo and what are your recollections of her, of so? A: I did not know here but shortly after she got killed, I go to meet her family on several occasions. Her son came down and stayed in the county for awhile, but I did not know her personally. Q: If you ever have a chance to go to the National Voting Rights Museum in Selma, there is a wall in the museum that I believe is called, I was there wall or the we were there wall or something like that. The people who played some role in the movement signed a 32 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville little sleep of paper and tacked it to the wall. One of the most touching things on that wall is the daughter of Viola Liuzzo who about a year ago visited the museum and said my mother was here and that is just on the wall there. It is really interesting to see. Q: Do you think that was a turning point in getting national attention to the movement? A: It was a turning point to get lots of attention because people came in. Even at that, Jonathan Daniels was killed after that but remember he got acquitted in court and that is the hurting thing. You understand what I am saying. The Klan killed her and did not anything come from that. The person that was prosecuted in that case stood up in the court and said if she would have stayed in Detroit, Michigan she would have been alive today. There were very few blacks there because they were afraid to go in that court room at night time. Now, if you are prosecuting somebody and get up and say that, what do suspect a jury to do? This is the type ofrepresentation we had. Q: Stokely Carmichael had started an organization called The All African Peoples Revolutionary Party. It took a strong standing in the (inaudible). A: He did do that, but he did not do that in our county. He never did that in Lowndes County. He never had any confrontation with the police. Q: Stokely Carmichael founded an organization. Say the name of the organization again. A: The All African Peoples Revolutionary Party. Q: With The All African Revolutionary Party, did that have an effect on your relationship with Stokely? A: No, it did not because he did not do any of that stuff in Lowndes County. He respected the police officers and Arthur Stickwicker did as well. 33 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville Q: There years that you we re involved with the Bloody Lowndes in your county, can you tell us a little bit about your personal life. Did you have a family and how did this impact your family during the year. Then, I understand that there was some type of sanitary land field plan underway within the last couple of years that may effect or impact the tourism and trade in Lowndes County with respect to the Edmund Pettis Bridge and the Selma March in November. Can you talk a little bit about that? A: Okay, let me be honest with you. I have some children who lived with me during that time. My son is a probate judge now who lived in Lowndes County. They were too young to vote, but it did not affect them because we did not have any real decent jobs no way, we were just out there working. We were trying to make life better for them to go to school. When they first integrated the school in Hayneville, they sent 6 kids to school that year. One of my sons went to school and he had some problems with some of the white kids stepping on his heels. One night, I got in my car and drove to the father's house. I said to him, your son is stepping on my son's heels and I do not want it to happen again because I may have to stop that bus on the road and get him off there and it never happened again. I was the sheriff. I being straight with you all about it. This is a little incident that happened. Let me be honest about this land field that we have. This land field is off the Civil Rights trail. People are dumping trash on the highways. Lowndes County was not a pretty place until I started cleaning it up when I retired from the sheriffs office. The white people in Lonsborough did not want it and they had a few blacks with them to help to keep it out. I do not think that land field would do anything wrong to Lowndes County as long as it does its problem like it ought to be done. People 34 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville will be buried under the ground, like 40 feet deep, and within the next 200 years I do not think there will be problem whatsoever. Q: Is that a divisive issue in Lowndes County? Do people disagree about that? A: There are a few people that disagreed about it, just a few. It was mostly people who lived right in Burksville. I remember one night I said to them, you are not concerned about the Civil Rights trail. If you were concerned about the Civil Rights trail, why did you not help us get registered to vote or a thing of that type. You understand what I am saying. These are the same folks who guessed everything now concerned about the Civil Rights trail. It is a money thing that they are looking at now. Q: Have you written or will you right about how the majority of the city of Alabama was able to tolerate injustice in such a way that it brings up today what they are willing to do now which is stand up against injustice. A: I think that to understand the magnitude of what happened in the Civil Rights Movement you have to understand that the majority of white citizens in the state of Alabama were complicit, if not cutting-edge practitioners of the injustices that were inflicted on black people. It was absolutely pervasive. I am very aware of this because I grew up in Alabama in a family that was very much a part of the status quo in Alabama . So, it is really easy to see that the system of segregation that was in place in Alabama could not have survived without the active support of the overwhelming majority of white people in the state of Alabama. I think there is a sense in which white people were liberated by the Civil Rights Movement as well because people of my generation were certainly coming along and you had to decide what we thought about it. It was such a 35 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville powerful reality and it was inescapable. So, you had to ask yourself what is really going on here. I remember when I was about 16 years old I was in Birmingham on a high school trip and I happen to be walking along one afternoon with no idea of anything that was going on. I was not paying attention to what was going on in the world and I walked up upon the arrest of Martin Luther King, the first time he was arrested in Birmingham. I remembered it actually incorrectly. I remembered at first that he was wearing overalls. He was not. He was wearing a denim work shirt and blue jeans. It was almost that way, but I do remember, like I have a picture of it in my head, the look on his face as the policeman bodily carried him pass where I was standing and it was a look of not fear. His eyes seemed to me to be very sad but kind of stoic all at the same time. There was a dignity about him on that occasion that stood in such incredible contrast with the kind of bullying attitude that the policeman had on that occasion. As a 16-year-old white kid, it was a jarring imaging to behold and it was something that I never forgot. It made you ask in a very personal way, what is going on here. It was easy to know who you wanted to identify with in that particular situation. So, one of the things that I am very interested in and this is a long answer to your question, but one of the things I am very interested in is the impact that the Civil Rights Movement had on white people, people of my generation and other people as well because I think that the white citizenry in the state of Alabama had a long way to go. I think we were compelled to move by events that happened by the example of courage that we saw, so I think that is an important part of the story that I certainly want to try to touch on. Now, did we go as far as we need to go? I mean obviously not. We are still struggling with that issue. I was talking to some reporters 36 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville today at the paper. We were talking about why it is that we have not made as much progress as we have maybe hoped we would. I think to me it is the cutting edge of civilization. It is sort of the frontier of civilization. The people who are not exactly alike are still trying to learn how to live in peace and proximity with each other, if they are even trying at all. Amazingly enough, we are probably doing a better job of it here than they are in most places because you look at the Middle East, Northern Ireland or all these other places and people struggle with that. We will continue to struggle with it here, but we have more tools now because of the example of people in the Civil Rights Movement. Q: I was a new comer to Alabama. We came here in 1965 and this whole situation has really stressed me a lot and (inaudible) but nowhere else is it quite so legal. So, I thought perfectly well that this is of people like you, although I had a very culture when I came here. I also said to my brother who called me and said (inaudible) how are you managing this and how will it turn out. I said that I truly believe that we will solve our problems as soon as everybody else, so do not worry. I mean it is a bad situation, but I know that the people that I know so well will find a way to let this happen. I was feeling very ----- at some times during it, off and on. I also participated in the long line that were lining up to vote after the federal government interceded and it was kind of a interesting mess. If you remember, you had to have a registered voter stand with everybody that was going to vote and every body was getting curious because they had 3 tests that were not hard but it took more time and we did not have anymore time allotted to us. So, it was a pretty interesting time for me and I helped the best way that I could to be helpful, the best way I knew how to. I am glad that I was here to do it. 37 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville Q: Any response you want to make to that. A: I am not sure. I could not hear everything that she was saying. It was pretty rough, true enough. I could remember the times that we had to have a white to vote for a black. You could not find a white to vote for a black. After they started registering, we did not have to do that in Lowndes County. You did not have to have anybody to vote for you. That was some our problems we were having. The voter registrar did not assist on that. The federal came down and registered most of our people in out county. Q: Was lynching a part of your community also? A: There were many people that were lynched or had things done to them. I do not know much about that, but there were people that were lynched in Lowndes County not during the Civil Rights Movement but before that time. Once we organized, there were no blacks killed by whites except one person and that was before I took office. He was killed because he was hunting rabbits. The dog went across the county line. They shot and killed him and tried the case. That was the first case tried when I got there and they found him guilty. They charged him 100 dollars and a year's probation. This is the kind of thing that happened. This was a white guy who killed a black guy and they charged him 100 dollars plus court cost and a year's probation. Q: How much would it help if they rewrote the constitution in the state of Alabama. Would that kind of blanket or help throughout out the state if the constitution itself was dealt with? 38 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville A: I was in a meeting not long ago and the Alabama New South Coalition was trying to put a committee together to start doing this with the state legislatures, but it may help some. You can rewrite all you want to, but it has to come from the inside of your heart. Q: There are many of the young people today that do not seem to have the right stuff? I would like to know what would be your message to them. A: Those of us who understand what the Civil Rights mean we should go into our communities sit down and talk to our young folks and try to encourage them to do the right thing. Our churches ought to be a part of doing that. Q: Was Lowndes County as violent as it was because black people outnumbered white people by the margin that they did? We have come a long way, but we still have a long ay to go. What, in your opinion, do we still need to do or still need to accomplish? A: I am going to give you a number of incidents that people have just killed people. There were a group of folks from Birmingham one time that came down to move somebody off of a plantation. They killed a guy on a Saturday or Sunday night and rode around in a truck and that Monday they were riding around that courthouse on the back of the truck and nothing was done about it, but this is the kind of thing that happened. If something happened in your family like, you would get afraid. I knew other people that would go out and hunt. I had a cousin that went out one night just hunting. The guys ran up on him hunting in the woods and started shooting under his feet and made him dance all night long. This is the kind of thing that went on in Lowndes County, but in order to change this we are going to have to come together and let drugs go. That is one of the things that is ending us now. Drugs are getting to most of our people. Stop committing 39 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville crimes, stay out of trouble, go to the polls and register to vote and start treating one another like they are human beings. Black or white, we are going to have to start doing that together or we will never move on. Q: Is there still racial tension between blacks and whites in Lowndes County today. A: There may be a few older people. It may not show up around me, but it may show up around a few people. Most people, when you treat folks right, they do not have any problems. I can go any place in Lowndes County in almost anybody house and I do not have any problems. Q: And when you have ran for office, you have gotten considerable white votes? A: At this age, I am 73 years old. I will be 74, November 19th and I wish it was this month. I have had more than 1800 people to call me already and talk to me. I believe I could go back and run for sheriff again. I don't why, but this is something. Let me say this. If someone burglarize a community, a house, a church I get out and work on it night and day until that person has come to justice just about. If somebody has shoot somebody or cut somebody, they are going to jail and everybody knows that. I do not know what is happening to the sheriff and bothering other folks now, but I try to do what is right for the people in our county. I guess that is why they want me back. They are not trying to get me back because I am going to let them do something wrong. If it is a drug dealer in town, he better leave. He better get his stuff and go to some other county. I believe that is what we out to do. They have a drug task force and I want to be sure I get with that drug task force if I am successful in winning and try to get them to do a much better than what they been doing and get these drug dealers out of time. 40 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - The University of Alabama in Huntsville Q: Will you run again? A: If my health holds up, my name will be on the ballot. Closing: Well, Sheriff Hulett thank you for sharing these stories with us tonight. We really appreciate it. 41 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 Relation A related resource <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/resources/21" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">View the Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 finding aid in ArchivesSpace</a> Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context uah_civr_000023 Title A name given to the resource Digitized transcription of VHS tape of "Bloody Lowndes and the Black Panther Party". Description An account of the resource John Hulett and Frye Gaillard are the speakers in this lecture given at University of Alabama in Huntsville. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Alabama A & M University University of Alabama in Huntsville Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2001-11-01 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 2000-2009 Subject The topic of the resource Hulett, John,1927-2006 Gaillard, Frye, 1946- Civil rights movements--Southern states--History--20th century Hayneville (Ala.) Lowndes County Voter registration Black power Type The nature or genre of the resource Lectures Text Transcript Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Print Has Format A related resource that is substantially the same as the pre-existing described resource, but in another format. Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/archival_objects/402">VHS Tape of: Bloody Lowndes and the Black Panther Party - Speakers: John Hulett and Frye Gaillard, 2001-11-01. Box 2, Tape 8</a> University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections, Huntsville, Alabama Language A language of the resource en Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 41 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/archival_objects/390">Bloody Lowndes and the Black Panther Party - Speakers: John Hulett and Frye Gaillard - Transcription of Tape 8, 2003 Box 1, File 9</a> University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives, Special Collections, and Digital Initiatives, Huntsville, Alabama https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/32/13350/SelmatoMontgomery_Tape9_File10.pdf 95d07b9379d75e861f0fee6f5e0668f4 PDF Text Text The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University Selma to Montgomery, 1965 Speakers: John Lewis, Mary Stanton I am Douglas Turner, a professor of Political Science here at Alabama A&M University. I'd like to welcome you to what has been a unique, informative, and often moving series of lectures and panel discussions. This series, the Civil Rights Movement in Alabama 1954 through 1965 is a joint endeavor between Alabama A&M University and the University of Alabama in Huntsville. In my opinion, this series has been highly successful and is a testament to what can be accomplished when people of good will come together and earnestly attempt to build bridges that bring together communities that often view each other with ambivalence, to say the least. Of course tonight's program, Selma to Montgomery 1965, looks at the events surrounding the confrontation that has come to be known as "Bloody Sunday," in which hundreds of non-violent protesters led by of course John Lewis among others and Jose Williams, who attempted to cross the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama and were met by Alabama state troopers who kicked and clubbed marchers, severely injuring many. Congressman Lewis, himself, was struck in the head and knocked unconscious in that particular incident. The event was captured on film and of course garnered a great deal of publicity for the movement. This publicity as a subsequent march between Selma and Montgomery would prompt President Lyndon Johnson to push for the Voting Rights Act which congress passed on August 6, 1965. Also, let me mention that next week's program, "Turmoil in Tuskegee" will take place at Roberts Recital Hall on the campus of �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University UAH at 7 pm. The featured lecturer will be Frank Toland of the Department of History ofTuskeegee University. Let me also mention tonight, that the last two lectures November 29 and December 4th will both be held here on the campus of Alabama A&M University. We will be moving back to the multi-purpose room in the new School of Business for those last two lectures; of course, they do began at 7 pm. Now, of course the Civil Rights Movement in Alabama lecture series has been a success in part due to the efforts of those committee members who initiated and formulated the series and the many sponsors who have contributed financially to make this ground breaking series a reality. Members of the Civil Rights Movement in Alabama planning committee include members both from the University of Alabama in Huntsville and Alabama A&M University which include Dr. Mitch Berbrier of UAH, Dr. John Dimmock of UAH, Dr. Jack Ellis of UAH, Dr. James Johnson of AAMU, Professor Carolyn Parker of AAMU and Dr. Lee Williams of UAH. Funding for the series has been provided by the Alabama Humanities Foundation, a state program of the National Endowment for the Humanities; Also, Senator Hank Sanders, the Huntsville Times, DESE Research, Incorporated, Alabama Representative Laura Hall. Also, the Alabama A&M University sponsorship has come from the Office of the President, the Office of the Provost, the State Black Archives Research Center and Museum, Title III Telecommunications and Distance Learning Center, the Office of Student Development, the Honor Center of Sociology and Social Work, History and Political Science. 2 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University From the University of Alabama in Huntsville, support has been forthcoming from the Office of the President, the Office of the Provost, the History Forum, the Bankhead Foundation, Sociology and Social Issues Symposium, the Humanities Center, the Division of Continuing Education, the Honors Program, the Office of Multi-cultural Affairs and the Office of Student Affairs, and also the UAH Copy Center. We also, would like to recognize other distinguished guests and visitors in the audience tonight, we acknowledge you. The introduction of tonight's speaker, Mrs. Mary Stanton, who is a free lance writer and director of Human Resources for Riverside Church in New York City and U.S. Congressman John Lewis, Representative from the 5th district in Georgia. The introduction of tonight's speaker will be provided by Alabama State representative Laura Hall of Huntsville, Alabama. Do your Honors. Introduction: Thank you, good evening. I want to say a special thank you to the members of the committee for Alabama A&M and the University of Alabama in Huntsville for providing this opportunity for us to reflect and for giving those of us who did not have an opportunity to live during this time an opportunity to hear about the experiences of the Civil Rights Movement. I will provide for you the introduction for Mrs. Mary Stanton. I don't believe we give enough credit to writers. We take it for granted that the printed word appears on pages for our consumption and hardly appreciate the hours of research and talent involved in writing. Mrs. Mary Stanton our speaker, is a writer to whom we owe special honor. She practiced her profession from a foundation of education. Holding a MA degree in English literature qualifies here to teach English at 3 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University the University of Idaho at Moscow, the College of St. Elizabeth in Morristown, New Jersey, and the writing program at Rutgers University, and this is only her secondary career. She has the most productive career in human resources. Her experiences in human resources surely give her the special insight into her writing career. I want you to know that Ms. Mary Stanton is the author of, From Selma to Sorrow: the Life and Death of Viola Liuzza. Published in 1998, her depiction of how this Detroit housewife came to be murdered during the 1965 Voting Rights March is essential to our understanding of the sacrifices made by people who care. This book was nominated for the National Book Award and the Pulitzer Prize. It has been ____ optioned by the Columbia Tri-Star pictures, and we should see this new movie soon. A documentary film about the Life of Viola Liuzzo is about to be completed. We will watch also for Mrs. Stanton's new book, "Mississippi or Bus," the 1963 freedom walk that tells the story of five interracial attempts to deliver a message of tolerance to Mississippi Governor Ross Barnett. One man was murdered on this march. More than one hundred were jailed and ten spent a month on death row at Kilby State Prison. dedication to writing. Ms. Mary Stanton, thank you for your We are truly honored and we benefit from the toils and your talents that you will share also with us today. Ladies and Gentleman, let us welcome Ms. Mary Stanton with a warm round of applause. Mary Stanton: Thank you very much. Good evening everybody. I want to thank you. I want to especially thank Dr. Williams and Dr. Dimmock for your kind invitation to Huntsville, my first trip down to Alabama. I feel very privileged to be apart of this forum tonight to share some insight about the Alabama of some forty years ago. When I asked 4 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University Dr. Williams what he'd like me to talk about, he suggested that I tackle, and I'm gonna quote right now, "the interconnections of law enforcement officials with the intra and interstate police officers, the Klan and the FBI to subvert the movement in Alabama. That's a mouth full isn't it? At first, I looked at that and I said, "well that's a pretty thankless task", but it really is a very important part of what happened here forty years ago, and it certainly is a important part of Viola Liuzzo's story. What we know is that the Alabama Civil Right's Movement was all about power. Power. Who had it? Who intended to keep it? Who wasn't going to get any? Yes, it was also about injustice and segregation and economics, but day to day it was really about maintaining the status quo, and that depended on maintaining segregation through intimidation, because there were many more powerless black people than more powerful white ones. Now, two very effective ways of sustaining segregation were number one, to keep the electives white, so that the segregationists couldn't get voted out of office. And number two, to keep the juries white, so those violent racists wouldn't get convicted of their crimes against blacks and against race mixture. Now, in order to maintain this southern way of life, people were forced to operate outside the law. Remember, there were less than two thousand Klansmen in the whole state, which is less than one percent of the whole population. Now, the Klan was successful because they were federal, state and local law enforcement officers who were members and supporters. The very people responsible for enforcing the law were undermining it, and permitting the Klan to operate really like a terrorist shadow government. Case and point Governor George Wallace refused to intervene. Ace Carter, who was his special assistant, was an outspoken white supremacist. He 5 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University headed an organization called the Official Klu Klux Klan of the Confederacy. And then there were the sheriffs O'Connor and Jim Clark who all actually encouraged to defy the law. So, what does all of this have to do with Viola Liuzzo? I'd like to tell you about that. In the time that we have together tonight I'd like to talk about three things. Number one, who Viola Liuzzo was. Number two, why she was murdered, and finally, what does her experience tell us about the breakdown of the rule of law, not only in Alabama but through a network of defiance that stretched from Selma, up to Detroit and across to Washington, D.C. back in 1965. Now, if Viola Liuzzo was here tonight among us, and we were to ask, "Who are you?" She might say, 'Tm Penny, Tony, Tommy and Sally's mother." Or, she might say, 'Tm Jim Liuzzo's wife." After she took a breath she might add, 'Tm also a medical technologist, I'm a part-time college student, I belong to the PTA, the Immaculate Heart of Mary Parish and I volunteer for the March of Dimes." Listening to Viola describe her life, you'd be hard pressed to figure how she ever became the most controversial of the American civil rights martyrs, and the only white woman who is honored at the National Civil Rights Memorial in Montgomery. So, how did it happen? The story very briefly is this. On March 25, 1965, Viola and a young black man, whose name was Leroy Moton, drove from Selma to Montgomery that night the voting march ended. They were picking up some marchers who needed a ride. The march had drawn twenty five thousand people to Alabama's capital city. Four Klansmen followed Viola and Moton on Highway 80 for twenty miles, and then they pulled up along side her car and fired out the side window. Viola was 6 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University killed instantly, and Moton who was covered with her blood escaped by pretending to be dead when the Klansmen came back to check their work. The thirty-nine-year-old Detroit housewife and nineteen-year-old Selma short order cook had been deliberately chosen by the Klansmen because they represented every thing that the segregationists most hated and feared, a white female, outside agitator driving after dark with a local black activist sitting in the front seat of her car. Because one of the Klansmen was a paid FBI informant, Viola lost her life in more ways than one. In order to deflect attention from the FBI' s carelessness in permitting a violent racist to work undercover the night of that march, J. Edgar Hoover personally crafted a malicious public campaign portraying Viola as an unstable woman who had abandoned her family to stir up trouble in the south. The implication was that she got exactly what she deserved. Years of unrelenting accusations and outright lies nearly destroyed her husband and her five children. Until the family got her files through the Freedom of Information Act, nearly fifteen years atier their mother's murder, they didn't know that the ugly slander about her had originated in the offices of our own justice department. Well, this is a very sad story you might say, and yes it's tragic, and yes J. Edgar Hoover was a monster, but if this was a random slaying or even if it was a symbolic killing, what is it that we can learn from it? Well, it's this. J. Edgar Hoover may have molded a very sinister image of Viola Liuzzo, but in 1965 a majority of white Americans believed it. Why? Well, nice middle aged, working class white American women didn't go to college. They didn't champion civil rights or travel by themselves. Those things wouldn't enhance a white woman's reputation on a good day, but even a reputation 7 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University tongued by the FBI couldn't alter the fact that Viola was useless as a symbol of the Civil Rights Movement. Her age, her gender, her background, her class, her education, they were all wrong. Yet, ironically the Klansmen chose her as a target precisely because her death would send a message, send a very clear message that northern whites and southern blacks could understand. Come south and get involved with the Freedom Movement at your own risk. Like the international terrorists that we face today, the Klansmen knew how to manipulate symbolism. Bin Laden chose the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, not because they are the tallest or the most beautiful buildings in America, but because they represent something very fundamental about our society. Symbolism stirs our deepest consciousness, and it has the power to terrify as well as to inspire. Andrew Goodman, Michael Schwerner, James Chaney, the three young men murdered during the Freedom Summer of 1964, also became symbols. To white liberals, they were appropriate civil rights leaders. They were young. One was a white activist, college student and another one was a selfless, white social worker. The other was a black community worker fighting for the freedom of his people. These were very positive symbols. Viola was too old, too pushy, too independent, and she trampled on too many social norms. In 1965, Viola had volunteered to advance the social movement that the majority of white Americans felt was already moving too fast. Her activism couldn't be ascribed to youthful idealism. It threatened the family and most importantly, the protective status of women. White American women couldn't afford to make Viola a hero. To do that would be to invite disturbing questions about their own lives. The Goodman, Schwerner 8 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University and Chaney families worked hard to insure that their sons would be remembered. All these families had supported their civil rights activism, while violist husband Jim, had been very ambivalent about his wife's participation. After Viola's murder, Jim found himself continually defending her reputation, refuting these vicious rumors that were swirling around her, and trying to protect their children. Two days after her funeral, a cross was burned on his lawn in Detroit. Jim had little time or energy or even opportunity to worry about his wife's immortality. Viola's children were taunted by their classmates, shunned by their neighbors and shamed by the cloud of suspicion that hung over their mother's activism. America fussed about her and budged about her for a few days and then promptly forgot all about her. The consensus was there was something just not right about this woman. Okay, so now that we know who she was, and why she was murdered, let's look to that last question. What does her experience tell us about the break down of the rule of law, not only in Alabama, but also through a network of defiance that stretched from Selma, to Detroit, to Washington? The answers are contained in something called the Lane report. When I discovered this report in the course of my research, the nicest thing I can say about it is that it absolutely chilled me to the bone. I want to share some of that with you. On May 11,1965, Walter Rugaber, a Detroit free-press reporter, called Jim Liuzzo to alert him that a confidential report about his wife written by Marvin G. Lane, police commissioner of Warren, Michigan and former chief of detectives of the Detroit Police Department had been sent to Selma Sheriff Jim Clark, in April. Early in May, Imperial Wizard Robert Shelton was seen passing copies of this report to newsmen 9 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University covering the Wilkins trial. Wilkins was one of the murderers of Liuzzo. Rugaber told Jim Liuzzo that the free press would be breaking the story on May 12. Jim was livid. He wanted to know why Commissioner Lane was investigating his murdered wife. Jim was so upset that he called the Detroit FBI office. Lane's jurisdiction was listed in suburban Warren, Jim told the agent. Liuzzo's never lived in Warren. They had never received so much as a parking ticket in Warren. And no one from the Warren Police Department had ever questioned Jim about his personal affairs. Who authorized the Lane report? Police commissioner Ray Girardin vehemently denied that his department's criminal intelligence bureau had any part in compiling it. Commissioner Lane refused to name the sources, insisting that confidential reports were routine. Lane said he often supplied other police departments' confidential reports and he received them in return. This was, despite the fact that it was highly irregular to prepare a detailed personal history on a murder victim, after the suspects have been apprehended. Commissioner Lane's note to Sheriff Clark was written on City of Warren Police stationery. He clearly stated that on March 26, one day after the murder, the criminal intelligence bureau began an investigation on the background of Viola Liuzzo. Lane went on to request Sheriff Clark's assistance. We would like Wayne Rhode, if it is at all possible to detern1ine the method of transportation of Selma by Mrs. Liuzzo, and who may have accompanied her. The Detroit Free Press posts three critical questions; What business of Lane's was it to compile a report from Mrs. Liuzzo since she was not a Warren resident? By what distorted judgment did Lane decide such a report was any business of Sheriff Clark's 10 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University since the murder did not take place in Dallas County but in Lowden. What authority did Lane ask Sheriff Clark to determine the method of transportation she took, and who went with her? On May 14, Walter Rugaber reported that virtually every detail of Lane's confidential report was smuggled out of the file of the Detroit Police Department. Rugaber even identified the file as number 1782, which contained material gathered both by the Detroit police and by the FBI. Chief of Detectives, Vincent Persanti admitted it was an obvious conclusion that Lane's information had come from the Detroit Criminal Intelligence Bureau. On May 17, inspector Earl Miller, Director of the Criminal Intelligence Bureau admitted to finding his ex-boss Marvin Lane with the file. Former Sinclair county Sheriff Ferris Lucas, who was serving as Executive Director of the National Sheriffs Association in Washington, admitted that he had encouraged Sheriff Jim Clark to ask Lane for the information. Commissioner Girardin relieved the inspector of his duties saying, "his motives were right, his judgment perhaps wasn't." Chief Persanti explained the Liuzza funeral was going to be here in Detroit, and we wanted to know what sorts of security arrangements were anticipated? Demonstrations and counter demonstrations were anticipated and we were just trying to prepare ourselves. Commissioner Girardin was then called before the City Council to explain why inspector Miller would assume that Lane, who no longer worked for the police had a right to look at confidential information. You must remember, that Lane is a retired chief of detectives, he says, "If he asks to check a record, he would get cooperation." assured that council that he would meet personally with Jim Liuzzo. Girardin He said, "He wanted to spare the Liuzza children from embarrassment." That quotation was picked up 11 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University by the Detroit Free Press and subsequently hit the wire services. Jim went wild. When he couldn't reach Girardin by phone, he dashed off a telegram demanding to know what the commissioner meant by such a statement. Distortions, half-truths, and outright lies were being circulated about his wife. Aspirations were being cast on her sanity, her morality, and her sense of responsibility in going to Selma. Girardin's statements said that ora of mystery surrounding the Lane report, his posture with the council only encouraged further conjecture. Bits and pieces of Viola Liuzzo's history were being taken out of context, and distorted beyond recognition. The Jackson Mississippi daily news was reporting that Mrs. Liuzzo had a police file four pages long. Now, I think we've come to the crux of what Dr. Williams was talking about and what was really going on here. The FBI' s need to defame Viola in order to cover its own tracks is understandable, if not a forgivable motive, as is the precious desire for a good story. The connection between the Selma police, the Detroit police and the Klan is however, much more ominous. Detroit was one of America's most racially troubled cities in 1965. Relations between the white police department and the black community were as angry and violent as any in Blackbelt, Alabama. In 1925, the Detroit police department had recruited officers from the Deep South and many of them, their sons, their nephews, their brothers and their cousins remained on the force forty years later. Members of the Detroit and Selma police forces reach down empathically to one another. Many on both sides believed that a white woman who would leave her family to go off on a freedom march, live with blacks, ride in cars with black men, and advocate for their rights was, if not crazy, at least a trader to her race and therefore very likely immoral. Now, the Lane 12 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University report ultimately achieved it's purpose, public sympathy was withdrawn from the Liuzzo family almost immediately, her murderers were set free, and her image as a spoiled neurotic housewife abandoning her family to run off on a freedom march began to stick. I could tell you that it made other northern white middle age white women think about taking a stand on civil rights. It frightened them off, just as Viola's murderers had intended to frighten off activists who were considering coming south to work for the movement. An editorial in the Detroit Free Press on May 13th tried to set the record straight. The Lane report is inaccurate, the editor wrote, "It is derogatory, and totally uncalled for." It makes insinuations, which are not supported by the facts, and dwells on irrelevant and unfavorable minutia, not only about Liuzzo but also about her whole family. What Lane ignored was that Mrs. Liuzzo was not accused of any crime. Her murder was not the result of any provocation on her part. She was involved in no ballroom brawl, and she had broken no law. Viola Liuzzo's story, like so many other stories of the !960's, causes us and cautions us to be careful and to stay alert. The American electorates are no longer all white. Juries are no longer all white, but intimidation and manipulation continue. Spend and character assassination continues. The power of symbolism to help and to hurt is as strong today as it ever was. Viola Liuzzo's reminds us that the fight for justice is everybody's business, and no one, no private citizen, no law enforcement official ought to be permitted to shame or to terrify anyone into backing away from a lawful position of conscience. I remember when I was a little girl growing up in Queens, New York and I got into to squabbles with some of the neighborhood kids, and the kids would often say to each other, "Don't you tell me to shut 13 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University up, this is a free country!" That's the message. The philosopher Plato probably said it best when he observed at 400 B.C. that, "The punishment which the wise suffer will refuse to take part in government, is to live under the government of worse men." Let us remember that. It was something the Alabama Civil Rights activists believed was important enough to risk their lives for. Thank You. Introduction: On February 21, 1940 in Troy, Alabama a little baby boy was born. With nine siblings, he worked on his family's farm picking cotton, gathering peanuts and pulling corn. Many times they had to work on the farms rather than attend their local segregated schools in Pike County, Alabama. Who would have seen an U.S. Congressman in that little boy by the name of John Lewis? Who would have guessed that this little boy would devote his life to the beloved community? Who would have known this little boy would play his role in history? Who would have guessed this little boy who devoted his life to the beloved community where all people of all races, religion and ethnicity, would share basic human rights? Who could have foreseen his fellow congressman asking him to tell them what is was like to have been in the action of the Civil Rights Movement? As a young student at Fisk University, John Lewis organized sit in's and nonviolent process. In 1961, he was one of the first freedom riders on the Greyhound buses in Washington D.C., then down through Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, Louisiana and his native, Alabama. It was 1963; John Lewis was only twenty-three-years-old and a chairman of the student non-violent coordinating 14 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University committee, which placed him in the national spotlight with the "Big Six": Martin Luther King Jr., A. Phillip Randolph, Whitney Young, James Farmer, and Roy Wilkins. They met with John F. Kennedy to plan the upcoming march on Washington. John's controversial speech at the National Mall placed him into the forefront and into the national spotlight. Gaining national attention by showing political power in numbers was a successful goal that summer in 1964. John Lewis was there to help organize voters registration drives and community action programs for the Mississippi freedom summer. Challenging Mississippi's long standing Democratic Party of segregationists while democrats fought for seats at the upcoming national convention was a radical step. John Lewis was there. It was back home in Alabama for John Lewis on March 7, 1965. Arm and arm with the non-violence intended, they marched six hundred strong across the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma. Suddenly, the clubs and the kicks of Alabama State Troopers turned their peaceful march into "Bloody Sunday." A violent blow struck John on the head, knocking him unconscious. This incident propelled President Lyndon Johnson to work harder for the Voting Rights Act which congress passed on August 6, 1965. Well, a knock on the head didn't stop John Lewis. He became Director of the Voter Education Project, which would add four million minorities to the voter role. In I 977, President Jimmy Carter named him the Directorship of Action with more than two hundred fifty thousand volunteers. In 1980, he became Community Affairs Director of the National Consumer Co-op Bank in Atlanta. After serving on the City Council John Lewis was elected to represent Georgia's 5th Congressional District in November of 15 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University 1986. He is currently serving his 8th congressional term, and guess what ladies and gentleman; he runs unopposed. In the 107th Congress, John is a committee member of the Ways and Means where he serves on the sub-committee on health and oversight. He is a Chief Deputy Democratic Whip sense 1991. He served on the Democratic Steering Committee as a member of the Congressional Black Caucus, and a congressional committee to support writers and journalists. He is also the Co-chair of the Faith and Politics Institute. Now I ask you, what crystal ball could have forecast that we here today would be eagerly waiting to hear this hard working, farmer's son, this courageous student, this national leader, this trench worker for voter registration, this Edmund Pettus Bridge peaceful warrior, and this distinguished Congressman John Lewis? Congressman Lewis. John Lewis: Thank you very much, Representative, for those kind words of introduction. Let me just say to members of the planning committee, to each and every one of you participating in this event, for inviting me to be here, the representatives of University of Alabama in Huntsville, and Alabama A&M University, I'm delighted and very pleased to be here. It is good to be here with Mary Stanton telling the history of Viola Liuzzo. Thank you, Mary. Thank You. You heard in the introduction, and I want to be brief. 1 didn't grow up in a big city like Decatur. I didn't grow up in a big city like Troy, Selma, Montgomery, Birmingham, Bradford, Atmore, or Florence. I grew up fifty miles from Montgomery, in this little town called Troy. My father, as Representative Hall told you was a sharecropper, a tenant farmer. Back in 1944, when I was four years old, and I do remember when I was four, My father had saved three hundred dollars and with the three 16 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University hundred dollars he bought one hundred ten acres of land. That's a lot of land for three hundred dollars. As a matter of fact, my eighty-seven- year old mother is still living on this farm that my father bought in 1944 for three hundred dollars. On this farm, there was a lot of cotton, corn, peanuts, hogs, cows, and chickens. Now, Mary has heard me tell this story and Don Calloway, who is the Executive President of the student body here at A&M with a intern in my office this pass summer, he heard it probably more than you care to hear. Right Don? But, I tell this story just to put it into the proper perspective about the Civil Rights Movement in Alabama and our journey from Selma to Montgomery in 1965. Assuming you come to Washington and visit my office, the first thing the staff will offer you will be a Coca-Cola, because Atlanta happens to be the home of the Coca-Cola bottling company. And Coca-Cola provides all members of the Georgia Congressional Delegation with an adequate supply of Coca-Cola products to be made available to our visitors. The next thing the staff will offer you, will be some peanuts. I ate so many peanuts when I was growing up outside of Troy, that I don't want to see anymore peanuts. Sometimes when I would get on the flight to fly from Atlanta to Washington or from Washington back to Atlanta, the flight attendant would try to push some peanuts on me and I would just say, "No, no peanuts!" The Georgia peanut people provide us with peanuts and I don't want any of you to come to Georgia and say that John Lewis was talking about the peanuts okay? Don't say anything, but if you are from there we will offer you some peanuts. Also, on this farm, we raised a lot of chickens and as young black boy growing up on this farm it was my responsibility to care for the chickens. I fell in love with raising chickens like no one else could raise chickens. It was 17 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University my calling; it was my mission; it was my sense of obligation and responsibility to care for those chickens. Now, I know that at the University of Alabama in Huntsville and Alabama A&M, you are very smart. They have wonderful professors, wonderful administrators and smart students, but you don't know anything about raising chickens. I know you don't. Let me tell you what I had to as young black boy growing up in rural Pike County, Alabama in the l 940's and l 950's. You take a fresh egg, mark them with a pencil, place them under the sitting hen and wait for three long weeks for the little chicks to hatch. Now, some of you are smart in computer science and math, history and literature, but you don't know anything about raising chickens. I know you are very smart being here in this community with tons of technologies, but you don't know anything about raising chickens, but you' re saying why do you mark those fresh eggs with a pencil before you place them under the sitting hen? Well, from time to time another hen will get on the same nest, and there would be some more eggs. You have to be able to tell the first eggs from the eggs that we already under the sitting hen. Do you follow me? You don't follow me. When these little chicks would hatch, I would fool these sitting hens; I would cheat on these sitting hens. I would take these little chicks and give them to another hen. I'd put them in a box with a lantern, and raise them on their own. I'd get some more fresh eggs and mark them with a pencil, place them under the sitting hen, encourage the sitting hen to sit in the nest for another three weeks. I kept on cheating on these sitting hens in order to get some more little chicks. When I looked back on it was not the right thing to do. It was not the moral thing to do. It was not the most loving thing to do. It was not the most non-violent thing to do, but I kept on 18 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University cheating on these sitting hens and fooling these sitting hens. I was never quite able to save $18.98 to order the most inexpensive hatcher incubator from the Sears & Roebuck store in Atlanta. We use to get the Sears & Roebuck catalog. Some of you may be old enough to remember that big book, thick catalog, we called it the wish book. I wish I had this, I wish I had that. So, I just kept on cheating on the sitting hens. As a young boy, I wanted to be a minister. So, when I was about 7-½ or 8 years old, one of my uncles had Santa Clause bring me a Bible. I learned to read the bible, then I started preaching and teaching; from time to time, we would church. With the help of my sisters, brothers and first cousins, we would gather all of our chickens together, like you are gathered here in this hall tonight. The chickens along with my sisters, brothers and my first cousins would make up the congregation. I would start speaking, a preacher, and as I started the chickens would become very quiet. As a matter of fact some of these chickens would bow their head. Some of them would shake their head. But when I look back on it, they never quite said Amen. I am convinced that the regular majority of these chickens that I preached to in the 1940's and in the l 950's tended to listen to me better than some of my colleagues listen to me today in the Congress and some of these chickens were a little more productive. At least, they produced eggs. But growing up there in rural Pike County, outside of Troy ... When we would visit the little town of Troy, or visit Montgomery, or visit Tuskegee, or visit Union Springs, I saw those signs that said, "White men, colored men, white women, colored waiting." I saw signs that said white waiting, colored waiting. As a young child, I tasted the bitter fruits of racism and segregation and racial discrimination. 19 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University In 1955, at the age of fifteen in the tenth grade, I heard of Rosa Parks; I heard of Martin Luther King Jr. In 1956, at the age of sixteen, a group of us went down to the Pike County Public Library in downtown Troy, trying to check some books out, trying to get a library card. We were told by the librarian that the library was for white only, and not for colored. I went back to the Pike County Public Library on July 5' 1998 for a book signing and hundreds of white and black citizens came out. As a matter of fact they gave me a library card, so it says something about the distance that we've come and the progress that was made in laying down the burden of race. I don't want to digress too much, but I was telling Jim and his wife that when we were driving in from the airport that when I finished high school in May of 1957, I wanted to study at Troy State College. I sent my High school transcript, filed my application, and I never heard a word from the college, only ten miles from my home. I wrote a letter to Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. I didn't tell my mother, didn't tell my father or any of my sisters and brothers that I had sent a letter to Dr. King telling him about my desire to attend Troy State College, better known now as Troy State University. In the meantime, my mother was working at a baptist orphan home, white, Alabama southern baptist orphan home, in addition to her work on the farm. She came across a little paper about a black school, supported by the southern baptist white and nation baptist black in Nashville for black students, students who studied and worked their way through school. I applied to go there. I was accepted. An uncle of mine gave me a hundred-dollar bill, more money than I had ever had. He gave me a footlocker, one of these upright trunks, footlockers with the drawers, the curtains, drapers you call it I guess. I put everything that I owned in that footlocker, my 20 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University books, clothing, everything except those chickens and I went off to school in Nashville. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. heard that I was in Nashville and got back in touch with me. He sent me a round trip Greyhound bus ticket and told me the next time I was in Troy for spring break to come to see him. It was in March of 1958, by this time I was eighteen years old, on a Saturday morning, my father drove me to the Greyhound bus station. I boarded the bus, and traveled the fifty miles to Montgomery. A young lawyer, I'd never seen a lawyer before, black or white by the name of Fred Grey met me at the Greyhound bus station. Fred Grey for many years was a lawyer for the Montgomery Improvement Association for Dr. King and Rosa Parks, for those of us on the Selma March and the Freedom Ride. He met me and drove me to First Baptist Church in downtown Montgomery on Ripley Street passerby Reverend Abernathy. Arriving at the steps of the church, I was so scared and so nervous. I didn't know what I was going to say to Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. He ushered me into the pastor's study and I saw Reverend Abernathy and Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. standing behind a desk. Dr. King said, "Are you John Lewis? Are you the boy from Troy?" and I spoke up and said, " Dr. King, I am John Robert Lewis." I gave my whole name. I didn't want there to be any mistake that I was the right person. That was the beginning of my relationship with Martin Luther King Jr. I continued to study in Nashville. While studying there I met individuals like Jim Lawson, one of the leading thinkers and philosopher on the philosophy and the discipline of non-violence, students like Diane Nash, James Bevel, Bernard Lafayette and many other young people. We start studying the philosophy and the discipline for non- violence, every Tuesday night at 6:30 p.m. at a Methodist church near Fisk University 21 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University campus. In then we got involved in the sit-ins and the freedom ride. Two years later, I became the head of the student non-violent coordinating committee in June 1963 as Representative Hall said at the age of twenty-three. On the freedom ride through Alabama, we were arrested and jailed in Birmingham. Later, Bull Conner picked us up, took us out of jail and dropped us off at the Alabama/Tennessee state line, and left us. A car from Nashville came back in May of 1961, picked us up and took us back to Birmingham where we were met by the Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth and other students. We continued from Birmingham to Montgomery, where we were beaten at the Greyhound bus station in Montgomery by an angry mob. We continued to Mississippi, but we were arrested and jailed, a few ofus was in the city jail in Jackson, the county jail in Jackson and many of us went to the state penitentiary in Parchment during the summer of 1961. All across the south, not just in Mississippi, Georgia, North Carolina or South Carolina, but in the eleven states of the whole confederacy, from Virginia to Texas, it was almost impossible for people of color to become participants in the democratic process to register to vote. When I was working on my March on Washington speech for August 28, 1963, I was reading a copy of the New York Times and I saw a group of women in Africa, black women, carrying signs saying, "One man, one vote." So in my March on Washington speech I said something like, "One man, one vote is the African pride. It is ours too, it must be ours," and that became the rallying cry. That became the slogan for the student non-violent coordinating committee. A young man by the name of Bernard Lafayette who was a student in Nashville, had gone into Selma, Alabama in the fall of 1962. He was working with Mrs. Boynton 22 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University . of the immediate Boynton in the Dallas County Voters League, working with several ministers and others, trying to create a movement in Selma, around the right to vote. In Selma in 1962, 1963, 1964 and 1965 only 2-4 percent of blacks of voting age were registered to vote. At the same time, we were organizing an effort in Mississippi. There had been sit-ins in Selma. People had gone to jail, got arrested at lunch counters and drugstores. There had been a movement there, and we went there to help. A great deal of our time was left in a place in Mississippi. Before we could launch the campaign in Selma or in Mississippi, there was a terrible bombing at the sixteenth street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Sunday morning, September 15, 1963, where four little girls were killed. We intensified our effort in Selma, but also in Mississippi. We recruited more than a thousand students. Lawyers, doctors, teachers, priests, ministers, rabbis, nuns and others to come to Mississippi and work in the Freedom School. As Mary Stanton told you, the summer night of June 21, 1964 three young men that I knew: Andy Goodman, Michael Schwerner, white from New York and James Chaney, black from Mississippi, went out to investigate the burning of black chnrch that stopped by the sheriff. They were arrested and taken to jail. Later that same Sunday night of June 21, 1964 the sheriff and his deputies took these three young men from their jail cell and turned them over to the Klan, where they were beaten, shot and killed. These three young men didn't die in Vietnam. They didn't die in the Middle East. They didn't die in Africa or in Eastern Europe. They didn't die in Central South America. They died right here in our own country, for the right of all of our citizens to become participants in the democratic process. So, when people said what they said about the election last year, and 23 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University what happened in Florida and other places, and they tell us to get over it, we say, "We cannot get over it." It's very hard to get over it. It's difficult for me to know that some of our friends, some of our colleagues died for the precious rights for all of our citizens to participate in the democratic process. That was a serious blow to the movement, but we didn't give up. President Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act on July 2, 1964. He won a landslide election in November of 1964. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. received a Nobel Peace Prize in December 1964. He came back to America, met by a group of us in New York, and later went down to Washington to the White House to have a meeting with President Johnson and he said, "Mr. President, we need a strong voting rights act." And President Johnson told Dr. King in so many words, "We don't have the votes in the congress to get a voting rights act passed." A judge signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Martin Luther King Jr. had come back to Atlanta to meet with people in FDLC, his own organization. We were those involved in the student non-violent coordinating committee. Then, he got an invitation from the Dallas County Voters League in Selma, Alabama from Mrs. Boynton and the good people in Selma, to come there and be the Emancipation Proclamation speaker in January of 1965. Dr. King said," We will write that act, we will write it some place." In Selma, Alabama we had a Sheriff, as the Mayor mentioned earlier by the name of Jim Clark. Sheriff Clark was a very big man, who wore a gun on one side and a nightstick on the other side. He carried an electric cow prodder in his hand, and he didn't use it on cows. He wore a button on his left lapel, and that button said, "Never, never to voter registration." Now all of you here must keep in mind that in Selma, if you go there 24 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University now, the courthouse looks the same way it did thirty six years ago. The steps and the rails are the same. You could only attempt to register to vote on the first and third Monday of each month. The courthouse was the only place. And sometimes when they knew that we were organizing the voter's registration campaign they would just close the doors, just lock it up for the day or for the week. I will never forget when it was my day, January 18, 1965, to lead a group of elderly black men and women to the courthouse just to get inside the door, up the steps, get an application form and try to pass the test. You must keep in mind, and I know that there are some historians here and professors of political science, but it was very difficult, almost impossible for people to pass the pollliteracy test. They were asked things like; How many bubbles are in bar of soap? That was not on the test. There were black teachers, black lawyers and black doctors told that they could not read or write well enough, and they fought the so-called literacy test. On January I&'\ when it was my day to lead a group of people up the steps, Sheriff Clark met me at the top of the steps and he said, "John Lewis, you're an outside agitator. You are the lowest form of humanity." At that time, I had all of my hair and I was a few pounds lighter. I looked Sheriff Clark straight in the eye and I said, "Sheriff, I may be a agitator, but I'm not an outsider. I grew up only about ninety miles from here and we're going to stay here until these people are allowed to register to vote," and he said, "You're under arrest." He arrested me along with a few other people. We went to jail. A few days later Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Reverend Abernathy and others came to Selma. In less than one week, we filled the jails of Selma, every jail, the city jail and the county jail. They took us out on some penal farm where it looked like a place where they kept 25 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University chickens. They put us all in there and we slept on wooden floors. Then, about three weeks later, I believe it was the night of February 17 or the 19th in Marion, Alabama, in Perry County, in the heart of the Blackbelt. Perry County is the home county of Mrs. Martin Luther King, Jr., Coretta Scott King, the home county of Mrs. Ralph Abernathy, Juanita Abernathy, and the late Mrs. Andrew Young, Jane Young; all from this county in Alabama. There was a demonstration, a protest, for the right to vote. That night a confrontation occurred. A young man by the name of Jimmy Lee Jackson tried to protect his elderly grandparents and was shot in the stomach by a state trooper and a few days later, he died at the Good Samaritan Hospital in Selma. Because of what happened to him, we made a decision (the movement did) that we would march from Selma to Montgomery. It was the idea of James Bevel that had been involved in the Nashville incident and the Freedom Ride. A whole new staff of Dr. King suggested at one point that maybe we should take the body of Jimmy Lee Jackson to the state capital in Alabama and present the body to Governor Wallace. We decided that we would have an orderly peaceful nonviolent war from Selma to Montgomery to help educate and synthesize all of the citizens of Alabama but as a nation around the right to vote. We announced that the march would occur on Sunday, March 7th . On Saturday, March 6th , Governor Wallace made a statement that the march would not be allowed. On Saturday, the Governor, rather than the sheriff from Dallas County, Sheriff Clark, requested that all white men over the age of 21 come down to the Dallas County Court House to be deputized to become part of the part to stop the march. There was a real debate within my organization, the student non-violent coordinating committee. There were people saying that we should not march; 26 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University it is too dangerous; people would get hurt. So, we went back to Atlanta, had a meeting there in the basement of a little restaurant. We met almost all night debating whether we should march or not. I took the position as the chair of the student non-violent coordinating committee and said that we should march and the local people wanted to march. The FDLC people wanted to march. I felt that I had an obligation to walk with the people from Selma. I have been there; I got arrested with them. I felt that I should be there. So, the SNCC executive committee voted that early that Sunday morning, about three or four o' clock in the morning, that if I wanted to march I would march as an individual but not as chair of the student nonviolent coordinating committee. Three of us jumped in an old car and drove from Atlanta to Selma. We got our sleeping bags and slept in the SNCC Freedom House on the floor until later that morning. We got up and got dressed. We went to the Brown Chapel AME Church for the morning services. After the services, more than six hundred of us, mostly elderly black men and women and a few young people came out of the church near a housing project (playground area) where we conducted a non-violent workshop, telling people to be orderly, to be quiet and to walk in twos. We had a prayer. We lined up in twos. I was walking beside Jose Williams from Dr. King's organization. At that time, I was wearing a backpack. I had a light trench coat on and I was wearing a backpack before they became fashionable to wear backpacks. In this backpack, I had two books, an apple, an orange, toothbrush and toothpaste. I thought that we were going to be arrested and that we were going to jail. So, I wanted to have something to read, something to eat and since I was going to be in close quarters with my friends, colleagues and neighbors, I wanted to be able to brush my teeth. 27 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University We started walking through the streets of Selma. No one was saying a word, so orderly, so peaceful and so quiet on a Sunday afternoon. We got to the edge of the Edmund Pettus Bridge, crossing the Alabama River, and Jose Williams looked down below and he saw this water. He said, "John, can you swim." I said, "No, Jose. Can you swim?" He said, "No. Well, there is too much water down there." I said, "We are not going to jump. We are not going back. We are going forward." We continued to walk. We came to the apex of the Edmund Pettus Bridge and down below we saw a sea of blue, Alabama state troopers, and behind the state troopers, you saw Sheriff Clark's deputies; you saw men on horseback and we walked. We came within hearing distance of the state troopers and a man identified himself and said, "I am Major John Cloud of the Alabama State troopers. This is an unlawful march. You will not be allowed to continue. I will give you three minutes to disperse and return to your church." Less than a minute-and-a-half, Major Cloud said, "Move up that van," and Jose said to me, "John, they are going to gas us." We saw these men putting on their gas masks and they came towards us beating us with nightsticks, tramping us with horses and releasing the tear gas. I was hit in the head by a state trooper with a nightstick. I thought that I was going to die. I thought I saw death. Until this day, I do not know how I made it back across that bridge, through the streets of Selma and back to the Brown Chapel AME Church, but I do recall being back at the church that Sunday afternoon. By this time, the church was full to capacity. More than two thousand citizens of Selma and surrounding communities from outside were trying to get in to protest what had happened. Someone in the median said, "John, you should say something to the audience." I stood up and said," I do not understand it, how President 28 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University Johnson can send troops to Vietnam but cannot send troops to Selma to protect people who only desire is to register to vote." The next thing I know is that I had been admitted to the Good Samaritan Hospital in Selma with a fractured skull. The next morning, early that Monday (it would be March 8th) Martin Luther King, Jr., and Reverend Abernathy came in from Atlanta. They came by to see me. Dr. King said, "Do not worry. We will make it from Selma to Montgomery. The Voting Rights Act will be passed." He was right. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., issued an appeal for religious leaders to come to Selma that following Tuesday, March 9th More than a thousand white and black religious leaders, ministers, priests, rabbis, nuns and others came to Selma and marched to the same spot where we had been beaten two days earlier, prayed and turned back. Some of the people in SNCC that had a poster march came and they did not like the idea that Dr. King turned back. They went to Montgomery and started another effort organizing the students at Alabama State and Tuskegee; a confrontation occurred there. We went into federal court and got an injunction against Governor Wallace, Sheriff Clark and others for interfering with the march. President Lyndon Johnson called Governor Wallace to Washington and tried to get an assurance from him that he could protect us, as we got a court ruling from federal district judge Frank Johnson. I do not know what the state of Alabama would be like. I do not know what it would be like if it was not for a man like Frank M. Johnson. I remember us going into court. The Department of Justice subpoenaed the CBS film from that day of "Bloody Sunday." Judge Johnson viewed it. He stood up, shook his robe, recessed the court, came back and granted us everything that we wanted and allowed us to march in an orderly fashion all the way from Selma to 29 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University Montgomery. Three hundred of us walked all the way. On the night of March 15, 1965, President Lyndon Johnson spoke to a joint session of the congress and made one of the most meaningful speeches any American president had made in modern time and the whole question of voting rights/civil rights. He condemned the violence in Selma. He started that speech off that night by saying, "I speak tonight for the dignity of man and for the destiny of democracy." President Johnson went on to say, "At times, history and fate meet in a single place in man's on end in search for freedom." It was more than a century ago at Lexington and at Concorde. So, it was at ____ . So, it was last week in Selma, Alabama. In his speech he said, "And we shall overcome," over and over again. He said it with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. in the home of a local dentist. As we watched and listened to Lyndon Johnson, tears came down Dr. King's face; he cried. We all cried. He said again, "We'll make it from Selma to Montgomery," and the Voting Rights Act was passed. We walked all the way, five days. More then twenty-five thousand people gathered there on that day. As Mary said again, Ms. Viola Liuzzo was killed on that that night traveling between Selma and Montgomery, and Reverend James Reed was beaten almost to death on the night of March 91\ after ____ crossed that bridge and later died at the local hospital in Birmingham. The congress passed the Voting Rights Act, finally to law, and I said it might be because of what happened in Selma. Because of what happened on the bridge, we had witnessed what I like to call a nonviolent revolution in this region. We live in a different country. We lived in a better country and we are a . better people. Sometimes, I hear young people saying nothing has changed and I feel like saying, "Come and walk in my shoes. Come and walk across that bridge. Come and sit-in 30 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University in Nashville. Come and go on the Freedom Ride Bus. Come and be dropped off on the Tennessee/Alabama state line by Bull Conner at four o'clock in the morning leaving you to be ambushed." Things have changed. Today, there are hundreds and thousands of black-elected officials like Representative Hall and others because of what happened in Selma. So, tonight as we think and ponder Selma to Montgomery in 1965, we must not give up. We must not give in. We must not give out. We must not get lost in a sea of despair. We must keep the faith and keep our eyes on the prize. I was just thinking a few days ago, since September ll th , and I said it a few days after September ll th , that people may bomb our buildings, kill some of our fellow citizens, but they will never ever kill our love for freedom, our love for democratic ideas, our love for the good society and to the open society. Many ofus in the 1960's would be walking across that bridge, through the sit-ins and when we went on the Freedom Ride, accepting nonviolence not as a simple average technique or as a tactic but as a way of life and as a way of living. Selma was not a struggle against a people; it was against custom and tradition, a system we wanted to build and not tear down. We wanted to reconcile and not separate. We wanted to create the beloved community, the good society. I will tell this story and I will be finished. I tell this story in my book, Walking with the Wind. It's a true story. When I was growing up outside of Troy, Alabama, I had an aunt by the name of Seneva and my aunt Seneva lived in what we called a shotgun house. She didn't have a green, manicured lawn. She had a simple, plain dirt yard and sometime at night, you could look up through the ceiling, through the wholes in the tin roof and count the stars. When it would rain, she would get a pail of what we called a bucket and catch the rainwater. She lived in a shotgun house. 31 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University From time to time, she would go out into the woods and get branches from a dogwood tree and she would make a broom. She called that broom the branch broom and she would sweep the dirt yard clean, sometimes two and three times a week. For those who are so young, who might not know what a shotgun house is and never seen one, was not born in one and never lived in one, (in a nonviolent sense) a shotgun house is a old house with a tin roof where you can bounce a ball through the front door and the ball would go straight out the back door. In the military sense, a shotgun house would be an old house with a tin roof where you can fire a gun through the front door and the bullet would go straight out the back door. My aunt Seneva lived in a shotgun house. One Sunday afternoon, a group of my sisters, brothers and a few if my first cousins, about twelve of us young children while playing my aunt Seneva' s dirt yard, an unbelievable storm came up. The wind started blowing. The thunder started rolling. The lightning started flashing and the rain started beating on the tin roof of this old shotgun house. My aunt became terrified. She thought this old house was going to blow away. She started crying. She got us all in the inside and told us to hold hands. As little children, we did as we were told, but we all started crying. The wind continued to blow. The thunder continued to roll. The lightning continued to blast. In one comer of the house, it appeared to be lifting from its foundation and my aunt had us walk to that side to try and hold the house down with our little bodies. When the other comer appeared to be lifting, she had us walk to that corner to try and hold down this house with our little bodies. We were little children walking with the wind, but we never left the house. As citizens of Alabama, as citizens of the world, as students and young people and as faculty members, the wind may blow; the 32 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University thunder may roll; the lightning may flash and the rain might beat on our old house. Call it the house of Huntsville. Call it the house of Alabama. Call it the house of America. Call it the world house. We must never ever leave the house. We must become one house, one family and one people. Just maybe, our foremothers and our forefathers all came to this great land in different ships. We're all in the same boat now. It doesn't matter whether we are black or white, Asian, American, Hispanic or Native American; we are one people. As we think about Selma to Montgomery, let us continue to walk with the wind and let the spirit of the Selma to Montgomery March in 1965 be our guide. Thank you very much. Douglas Turner: Alright, one again, how about another round of applause for Ms. Mary Stanton as well. We want to take a short period here for answer and questions. I want to mention that any of you who might have any commendations or other certificates of recognition that you would like to present to the congressman that you can do that after the symposium is over. We do want to open the program now for questions for either Ms. Stanton or Congressman Lewis. Q: The question and comment for both Congressman Lewis and Ms. Stanton ... Congressman Lewis, you've spoke about the struggles that you had in the march from Selma to Montgomery, the pain that you and others suffered. Ms. Stanton you talked about Plato's reflection on government and participation. The suffering that has occurred so that people, all people, have the right to participate in this democracy, yet today eighty percent of young people and more than fifty percent of all adults, do not bother to vote. We have moved a great deal forward, but ifwe do not exercise, all ofus, 33 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University the right to vote and if we do not take part in our responsibilities to participate in this democracy, we are going to move backward. How do we get pass this? How do we reverse this at present? How do we tell people, you have to participate if you want to keep moving forward? I sincerely believe that. I guess the question is two parts. Do you agree with that and if so, how do we win that battle? A: That's a good response. Mary, would you like? A: I would prefer you. A: I agree with you, sir. I think the greatest threat to our democratic way of life and the greatest threat to our democracy and to whatever you want to call it is the lack of participation and the lack of involvement. I think the day will soon come in America, if we are not mindful, that we will no longer count the people that are voting, we will count those who did not vote. I think it is a very dangerous trend. First of all, I think we have to do something called campaign finance reform. We have to get.. .In the congress, there is a group of us on both sides, both Democrats and Republicans, and the Independents that we have among us in the house, trying to get campaign finance reform. There is too much money. I have been in congress for my fifteenth year, serving my eighth tenth, but I have young colleagues that come and they spend all of their time dialing for dollars. That's not the way. When you have some one in New York spending fifty or sixty million (I don't know how much money was spent all together) ... but to get elected. We have people running for congress and we have someone running for mayor for Atlanta. We have to make the airways free. It cost too much to be on television. The people have the right to know. We have to take money out of it. It is too much money in American politics. 34 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University Whether someone is a millionaire or whether someone is a dogcatcher, they have only one vote. We have to change it. It is not the way to go. We have to say to our young people and those of us not so young, if you do not vote, you really do not count. You have to participate. We have to encourage more people to run, more women, more young people, more minorities. Get out there and run. Don't leave it up to people. Everybody has something to offer. Run for school board. Run for city council. Run for mayor. Run for congress. Get out there. The more people we have participating, the better our democracy is. It helps strengthen our democracy. We have a young lady who was just elected mayor of the city of Atlanta. She came out of nowhere almost. She raised a lot or money also, but she came out of nowhere. Douglas Turner: Let me also mention that both Ms. Stanton and Congressman Lewis have books for sale back here in the back. They will be available to sign if you have already purchased one and you ·vant them to sign it or if you will be purchasing one. Next question, I saw your hand back there. Q: Congressman Lewis and Ms. Stanton, I am trying to find the difference really between the nonviolent revolution that you were talking about because I have looked at most of the countries who practice nonviolent revolution and they do not seem to be making any progress. They are stagnated like we are, but Americans came with a more traditional type of revolution and now we are the number one power in the world. It seems we all • will be ambulating to number one or something in that area. Douglas Turner: So, is your question or statement is that there is a need for violence or some kind ofrevolution. 35 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University Q: Mary, you want to deal with that? A: I'm not sure that I understand the question. Are you asking the value of a nonviolent revolution? A: Yes. A: Well, I happen to believe in the philosophy and the discipline of nonviolence and I happen to believe also that in the long run, violence tends to create more problems than it solves. As Americans, we've said, well Americans proceed in violence when we talk about the American Revolution. A few days ago, I was in (inaudible) and visited those historic places. I think humankind must evolve to a much higher level, not just Americans but people all over this planet and all over this world. We lay down the tools and the instruments of violence and some people would say and maybe you would say that is too idealistic. As Dr. King would say, it is nonviolent and nonexistent. No one in the long run wins in a war. A war is messy. It is bloody. It kills; it harms; it divides and it destroys. We have to find a way to say no more war. Q: Do you know who killed Dr. King? (inaudible) A: I don't know who killed Dr. King. A colleague of mine from one of our southern states came to me on the floor just yesterday and wanted me to meet with him and come and visit a family who says they had some information about someone who participated in the assassination or knew something about the assassination of Dr. King. He doesn't know if this is legitimate or whether this is valid. I don't know. I believe until the day that I die that it was a conspiracy to remove Dr. King from America. I do not think that any one person acted alone. Some of the things that happened during the 1960's and what 36 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University Mary said about the FBI, it is unbelievable. It is to think the unthinkable. We had this whole thing going on in America during the Cold War that there was _____ _ members coming inside and we were under the Dukes of Marksville. If you saw a sign saying white waiting and colored waiting, you did not need anyone from Marksville, New York, Philadelphia or Washington to tell you that sign had to go. So, somehow and some way, this mentality is creeping back into this segment of America. There has been an attempt on the part of some of us to remove Mr. Hoover's name and have another respected American's name put on there. Q: Brother Lewis, it is so good to see you again. My name is James Steele. I remember the situation quite well. I was a young student here at the college when you were beaten on the Selma Bridge; 1954 just would not make it to Selma. Right down the street, a young man was pastoring a church by the name of Reverend Ezekiel Bell in the l 960's. I was with the first steering committee that launched the movement here in Huntsville. Some of the student nonviolent coordinating persons and the Congress of Racial Equality along with a young lawyer here at Alabama A&M by the name of Randolph Blackwell that some of you may know of. There had not been much talk about Reverend Bell and Blackwell, but they were spark plugs in the movement here. I started with the movement about 1954. I don't want to tell how old, I mean how young I am Dr. Lewis, but what has concerned me is that was a great movement. People were together. I must admit that we had a number of people shucking and jiving in the movement back then. My question is about 1980. What I believe is going to go down in history is the saddest part of our history, one who kept his eye on the Civil Rights Movement and the Human Rights 37 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University Movement in Huntsville, Alabama. I believe that I have seen more shucking and jiving starting in the l 980's to the present time. My question is from your vanish point, do you see that and what we may do to overcome this go with the flow, flip-flopping type leadership that we see now across the nation. Somebody ought to stand up and tell the truth where it relates to real freedom, justice and equality. I won't share that scripture with you now, but it is in Isaiah 56: 10. Douglas Turner: What is the question? A: I am getting to that. Go ahead and answer my question. They called time on me. A: Only thing I would say my friend is that during the days of the height of the movement, it was my philosophy not to engage in name calling, not to put anyone down because it was keeping with the philosophy and the discipline of nonviolence. There are roles for people to play. Everybody can go in a sit-in. Everybody can go on the Freedom Ride. When I was a student in Nashville, there were guys who played football and they said, "Oh, John. I can't go. If I go down, I may fight and I can do something else. Maybe, they just did not have the courage to sit-in unless someone put a lighted cigarette out in their hair or down their back. So, I just do not think it is in keeping with the philosophy of nonviolence to sit in judgment on the role and the function of anyone. So, I don't want to call anyone shucking and jiving or put someone down because they may be marching to a different beat. Q: I would like to know was it pure luck that Ramsey Clark with feds monitored the Selma to Montgomery march or was that a request. A: Was it pure luck that Ramsey Clark? 38 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University A: Monitored the Selma to Montgomery march. A: I do not know. I really do not. It could have been his role and maybe there was something that he wanted to do. I have said in the past that there are such individuals in the Kennedy/Johnson administration. There was a young man by the name of John Door who was a Republican. He was held over from either house administration. He was a tall, lanky guy from the Midwest. He played a major, major role and I consider some of these individuals as sympathetic referees in the struggle for civil rights. I think you had in the department of justice that said Edgar Hoover was this and that. There were certain individuals. It did not matter what time of night or what time of morning. You could pick up the telephone and call them at home instead of Ramsey, Burke or Marshall or whoever saying this is our problem; there is a problem in Alabama or there is a problem in Mississippi. Some of these guys would say today. Some of you may not know this. On the Freedom Ride, there was this brave, courageous man representative by the name of Floyd Mann, who was the public safety director for the state of Alabama during the freedom ride. When we were being beaten by this angry mob in Montgomery, it was Floyd Mann. This white gentleman, native of this state and from this part of Alabama, had to leave. I think he took a job as a security person maybe for the Goodyear plant. He stood up with a gun and he said, "There would be no killing here today. There would be no killing here today." It was Saturday morning, May 20, I 961, at the greyhound bus station in Montgomery and the mob dispersed. If it had not been for this man, I probably would not be here today and others probably would not be here. I saw him for the first 39 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University time later, in all these years, at the dedication of the Civil Rights Memorial m Montgomery. He came up to me and I think by this time I was on the city council or maybe in congress and he said, "John Lewis, do you remember me?" I said, "Mr. Mann, I do remember you. Thank you for saving my life." We both started to cry. So, you had people there. Q: Congressman Lewis, you mentioned about the woman in Atlanta who came out of nowhere and won governor. A: The mayor's office. Q: Okay, the mayor's office. Don't you think it is about time for a dark horse to come out and run for president? When are you going to run for president? A: Who me? No, I'm happy being the congressperson from Atlanta, Georgia. Q: It was a pleasure hearing you speak and I had the pleasure of being in Selma at the last election for the run off and some of the same things are going on as far as getting people the patient register to vote. My question is this. With the incident that took place down at Auburn University, do you think that is an isolated incident? Or is there something that should be addressed to the governor, to the people of Alabama and to the nation as to that incident? The other thing is that there are young people that need to take up the struggle. Do you think that it would be befitting? In the state of Alabama and in the United States of America, they teach history. They teach so-called American history. Do you think they should teach civil rights and the Civil Rights Movement in the state of Alabama and all the other states so that they will know the history of this movement because this movement is what gave life to the whole constitution? 40 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University A: Well, I think it is important that we tell the story. To me, I am so gratified and so pleased to see what these two institutions are doing. I wish other institutions, not just in Alabama, all across the south and all across the nation, would do this. It is to help educate, to synthesize all of our people about the contribution that people made and the changes that have occurred. I think it is a must. I think we need to be teaching the philosophy and the discipline of nonviolence, not just when people get to college, but we need to start teaching it in daycare, in Head Start and in first grade. We need to teach people the way of love and it may sound strange for a politician or for people to talk about love. We need to teach that the way of love and the way of peace is a much better way and much more excellent way. Maybe, we would not have some of the problems that we have. Maybe at Auburn, a group of students could start conducting nonviolent workshops saying we just don't do this; we live in a different time; we live in a different period. We respect diversity. We respect people. We respect the worth and dignity of every human being. I think too many young people in our society today are growing up, and too many of us, because of something that is happening that we have this almost disdain for just common decency and respecting the worth of a fellow human being. People bump into you and do not even want to say excuse me; I'm sorry. So, to be nonviolent is not not hitting some, but it is also attitude. Words can be very violent. Words can be very destructive. So, it is a way of love and the way of nonviolence that we have to get over to our people. Maybe, during this time of sort of national healing, we can sort of tum towards each other as a national community and talk about love and nonviolence and peace in the sense of community and in the sense family. Don't be afraid 41 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University to say it to somebody. It's nothing weak about saying to somebody, "I'm sorry I said that. I'm sorry I did that." A lot of times, I call my colleagues and they say, "Hello, brother. How are you?" It's not just a black brother; it's the white brother and the brown brother who happen to be Hispanic or an Asian American brother or sister. In the congress, you see us on the floor. We argue like cats and dogs, but I bet you one thing, when something happens to us, we are there for each other. We are family. The same people that get up and arguing on C-span or arguing on the floor, the next moment they are working out together in the gym or having a meal together in the member's dining room. I wish sometimes that the larger community could see the sense of family that we try to exercise even in Washington even among politicians. Can I go for one other moment? We have a group in Washington, and I am the co-chair, called Faith and Politics. I am the Democrat co-chair. There is a young man by the name of Amo Houghton who is the Republican cochair. I am one of the poorest members of congress. This guy is one of the richest members of congress. He is very, very ... You know Steuben Glass, CorningWare. That's the family in upstate New York. We get together, members from Alabama, white members from Alabama, white members from Mississippi, black members from Mississippi, Alabama or Georgia, Hispanic members from Texas, California or Florida or Asian American members from California. We get together in our offices, in our little hideaways and in our homes and we have what we call a --- on race and we talk about it. We debate it. During the past four years, we have been taking (some of you probably read about it) we have been taking groups of members from Washington, starting in Birmingham to Montgomery and to Selma, over a weekend during the 42 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University anmversary of the march across the bridge. It has been unbelievable. Some of the members walked through Sixteenth Street Baptist Church or went to the site where Rosa Parks was arrested or might go to the museum there or go to Birmingham and walk through the park. They would walk across the bridge and breakdown and cry. It helps to educate and helps to synthesize. It is making us better. We always need to reach out to each other. Q: Good evening, Ms. Stanton and Mr. Lewis. I would just like to thank you all on behalf of the student body for making your appearance and sharing with us your experiences this evening. Mr. Lewis, I would just like you to, if you could for just a moment, speak about your current struggles with historic preservation in the African-American museums, which we did a lot of work on this past summer. Ms. Stanton, my question was there is no doubt to anybody in here that Viola Liuzzo was a remarkable woman and a remarkable individual and what happened to her was disgusting and reprehensible to say the least, but we hear about a movie, books and all these types of things. I have seen documentaries on her and her existence. Do you believe that if Viola Liuzzo was an African-American woman that she would be remembered today? A: That's a good question. It's a hard one to answer because in many ways Viola Liuzzo was not remembered. If she was an African-American woman, the obvious answer is probably no. A: In Washington, for the past twelve or thirteen years, I've been leading in an effort to create a national African-American museum on the mall. As a matter of fact, I had a meeting today with J.C. Watts, my Republican colleague from Oklahoma, who is the 43 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University chair of the Republican conference. We had more than one hundred and thirty-five members, cosponsors, Republicans and Democrats in the house, and thirty-two members of the senate of cosponsor. All of the leadership on the house side and the senate side are cosponsoring this legislation and I think one day, we will have in Washington a national African-American museum that tells the whole story of the struggle of AfricanAmericans from the days of slavery to the present. It will happen. Douglas Turner: I have been instructed to allow a few more questions, although time is running out and I know our guests would like to, you know, get away and rest tonight. Two more questions. Go ahead. Q: (Inaudible) Q: I am the president of 2000 Freedom Fighters out of Decatur and my question is that we have had a hard time getting the ministers involved. I know way back when the church was the foundation and the ministers was the backbone. So, what would you have to say today that would encourage the ministers and the churches to get involved with the civil rights because certainly there are so many injustices in the state of Alabama and all over the country? A: Well, it is a very interesting question. I do not know about how strong the AfricanAmerican churches are in the African-American community, but there was no institution that ran parallel in the poor white communities when people were trying to organize. I think that strength moved the movement, the incredible thrust and the power that the church has, not only through faith but also through organizing skills training people and 44 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University bringing people together. Maybe, you can speak to that Congressman Lewis. Is it as strong as it was or are we losing ground? A: I would like to think that the church in the African-American community is still strong. From what we gather, more people in both the African-American community and the white community are going to church. You must keep in mind that during the 1960's and during the height of the movement, all of the ministers were not involved. All of the churches were not involved. There were certain churches even in the city like Atlanta did not even want Dr. King, when he left Montgomery, to come back to Atlanta. There were churches in other parts of the south. There were certain places where the ministers were afraid to speak out or speak up. So, you do not give up because some group is saying, well, I cannot do this. You just keep going, four year and five there, ten there, fifty here and one hundred there, but you be consistent, be persistent and just hang in there and do what you can do. You are never going to have everybody. During the original Freedom Ride, the original Freedom Ride group that left Washington, DC, on May 4, 1961, it was only thirteen ofus, seven white and six blacks that left Washington, DC, on May 4, 1961. Later, three hundred people got arrested and went to jail over the summer of 1961. So, you do not have to have the whole nation or the entire community. Sometimes, there are only a few that come together in one accord committed, dedicated, believing in an idea and they change things. So, do not be discouraged. Q: (inaudible) A: Well, I would encourage people, especially young people. There is a young man who is a history teacher out in the bay area of California and he (inaudible). He was able to get 45 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University the state legislature of California and others to get the necessary money, but he started off just having a fundraiser, bringing one hundred students to Washington. They go to the Lincoln Memorial. They listen to Dr. King's speech on an old boombox, "I have a Dream." Then, they fly to Atlanta. Then, they travel by bus to Montgomery, Birmingham, Selma, Little Rock and to Memphis. They go to Central High and they meet with some of the former students of Central High. During the past four or five years, he has brought over eleven hundred students. In some cases, there were superintendents, parents and members of the board of education, but a whole generation of high school students. They are black; they are white. They are Asian American. They are Hispanic and Native American. In this state, there is so much history; it is unbelievable. I say to the young people in Atlanta, to the students there sometimes, go and visit the King Center. Go and visit Dr. King's grave. Go and visit Ebenezer Church. There are kids growing up in Atlanta that have never been in the home of where Dr. King was born. So, we encourage young people and people not so young to take advantage of this history here. There is a lot of rich history here in this state dealing with the whole question of race and civil rights. Closing: We have gone over our usual time, but I think that most of you would agree that it has been a productive and memorable evening. Once again, how about a round of applause for Ms. Mary Stanton and Congressman Lewis. Do not forget too that next week, the lecture series continues at UAH in Roberts Recital Hall at 7 p.m. The topic will be "Turmoil in Tuskegee." The lecturer will be Frank Toland of the History Department at Tuskegee University. Thanks for coming out and see you next week. 46 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 Relation A related resource <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/resources/21" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">View the Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 finding aid in ArchivesSpace</a> Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context uah_civr_000024 Title A name given to the resource Digitized transcription of VHS tape of "Selma to Montgomery, 1965". Description An account of the resource U.S. Rep. John Lewis and Mary Stanton are the speakers in this lecture given at Alabama A&M University. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Alabama A & M University University of Alabama in Huntsville Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections, Huntsville, Alabama Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2001-11-08 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 2000-2009 Subject The topic of the resource Lewis, John, 1940-2020 Stanton, Mary, 1946- Civil rights movements--Southern states--History--20th century Selma (Ala.) Dallas County (Ala.) Freedom Rides, 1961 African Americans--Legal status, laws, etc. Type The nature or genre of the resource Lectures Text Transcript Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Print Has Format A related resource that is substantially the same as the pre-existing described resource, but in another format. Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/archival_objects/403"> VHS Tape of: Selma to Montgomery, 1965 - Speakers: John Lewis and Mary Stanton, 2001-11-08. Box 2, Tape 9</a> University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections, Huntsville, Alabama Language A language of the resource en Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 46 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/archival_objects/391">Selma to Montgomery, 1965 - Speakers: John Lewis and Mary Stanton - Transcription of Tape 9, 2003 Box 1, File 10</a> University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives, Special Collections, and Digital Initiatives, Huntsville, Alabama https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/32/13351/TurmoilinTuskegee_Tape10_File11.pdf 4cfc6a1444a9f0058d35372e7aefb0c6 PDF Text Text The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville Turmoil in Tuskegee Speaker: Frank Toland Let me point out to you that this series has been possible only because of the generous contributions of the following: The Alabama Humanities Foundation State Program; The National Endowment for the Humanities; Mevatec Corporation; DESE Research, Inc; Representative Laura Hall; and Senator Hank Sanford. At A&M, the Office of the President; the Office of the Provost; State Archives and Research Center and Museum; Title III; The Office of Student Development; The Honor Center of Sociology and Social Work, History and Political Science; and also at the Telecommunications and Distance Leaming Center have also been wonderful in taping all of our sessions for us. They have done a wonderful job. We are grateful to them for that. At UAH, the Office of the President; the Office of the Provost; the Bankhead Foundation to the History Forum and to the Department of History; Social Issues Symposium; the Department of Sociology; the Office of Multicultural Affairs; Division of Continuing Education; The Humanities Center; The Honors Program; The Office of Student Affairs and the Copy Center. I would now like to turn things over to Ms. Barbara Wright who is a graduate student in History here at UAH, past president of Phi Alpha Beta, currently assistant to the editor of the Oral History Review. She will introduce our speaker for this evening. Introduction: In his long and distinguished career Frank J. Toland has served his community in many ways, as an educator, a social and political activist, a historian, a scholar, a folklorist, a writer and a poet. He began his career studying English, History and Political Science at South Carolina State College. Mr. Toland received his MA in �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville History from the University of Pennsylvania, completing advanced study at both Temple University and the University of Minnesota. As an educator, Mr. Toland joined the faculty of Tuskegee University in 1949. During his tenure at Tuskegee he was instrumental in developing the History Major program, the College of Arts and Sciences and the Black Studies Program. Mr. Toland served Tuskegee as chairman of the History Department for over twenty-seven years and as Director of the Black Studies Program from 1968 until 1984. Widely recognized as an expert in African-American and Southern History and a humanities scholar, Mr. Toland has been invited to speak at colleges and universities worldwide. He has served as a scholar and lecturer for the Alabama Humanities Foundation since 1983 and is a member of the Speakers Board for • extending the humanities to the public since 1990. The topic of his lectures have included: Black Wings, the American Black in Aviation; Utopia in American Life and Literature; African-Americans and the War Experience; The Harlem Renaissance Revisited; Tuskegee Airmen and the Civil Rights Movement; and the African-American Religious Experience. As a politician and activist, Mr. Toland became the first AfricanAmerican to serve as mayor pro tern of Tuskegee, a position he held from 1968 until 1972. He also served as chairman of the Tuskegee Utilities Board, as coordinator of the Tuskegee Model Cities Program. himself to community service. For over two decades Mr. Toland has dedicated His membership and activities include the Alabama League of Municipalities, the State Committee for the Study of Alabama State Administration, the National Security Forum, and the State Registrar's Advisory Board, to which he was nominated by Governor Guy Hunt. Mr. Toland is here tonight to speak 2 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville to us about the turmoil in Tuskegee during the civil rights movement. Please join me in giving a warm welcome to Mr. Frank J. Toland. Frank Toland: Thank you very much platform associates and I've got to mention my good brother there, Dr. D. Williams, who has been so kind to me over the years in inviting me different places, especially here at the University of Alabama in Huntsville. I was surprised at some of those things that were said that I had done. The fact that I couldn't decide what it was I wanted to major in at college, so I ended up majoring in all three was because I was an intellectual nomad. I wandered from one area to the other. In listening to the introduction, you have concluded that I am still something of an intellectual nomad. I thought I was going to be a constitutional scholar when I went to work at Tuskegee Institute only to discover that they never had a course in Constitutional History and I was invited to develop one as long as I taught those courses in World Civilization which were expected of me. What I discovered is what you discover at a small school is that you become a generalist and not a specialist and that the generalists are those persons who learn less and less by going more and specialists are those persons who learn more and more by less and less. Tonight, I have outlined some material, but don't be alarmed. I will be selective in presenting it to you. The journey, my journey in civil rights, began as I turned thirteen years of age in South Carolina. I had been hearing and had almost made me believe that I remembered it, that the Ku Klux Klan had visited my grandmother and my paralyzed grandfather before I was four years old. They were looking for a young black man whom they wanted to teach a lesson and my grandmother may have saved a brutal beating or a 3 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville lynching because she recognized the voice of one of the Klansmen and in her bravery as the daughter of a white man she snatched his hood and then shamed him. I understand that it was a traumatic experience for me and that I kept hanging onto my grandmother's leg over the years until she finally sent me off to elementary school. That got rid of that. I have witnessed violence in my life and I have had these threats made upon me many times. The Klan was looking for our leader's home in Tuskegee, CG Gomillion's home. We lived on the same street, both on the right side of the street. The street that we lived on had become overgrown at the end with trees so that you could not get all the way out to Highway 80. So, the Klan came in with this cross about three feet high, intending to bum it on Gomillion's lawn on the right side, but I was the secondary target in case they didn't get it burned at Gomillion's house. They forgot that if you go down and it's on the right and when you come out it's on the left, so they burned the cross at a house that looked like the one I lived in. It was a dear, sweet old lady and she knew the cross was intended for me and she never had another civil thing to say to me the rest of her life. They had frightened her terribly and it was indeed my fault and I tried to reconcile but without success. I got involved in the Civil Rights Movement in Tuskegee because of an incident at the courtroom at the courthouse in Tuskegee, Alabama. It was over my efforts to get my wife a driver's license. After three trips there, the patrolman, each time he'd get almost to us, whites would come in at the last minute and he always gave them preference so that blacks were continuously returning to try to get those licenses. One of the persons there already had a pilot's license. Her husband you may have heard about, 4 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville Tuskegee airman, Colonel Herbert Carter, retired, and she never knew until a few months ago that I was the one who caused her such a delay in getting her license because the patrolman thought that she was my wife and he wanted to teach me a lesson. The lesson that stuck was that he threatened to blow my guts out for interfering with the way that he performed his job and I was nervous about it, but I put up a bold front and I said to him, "I own property in this state, I help to pay your salary." That was not a good thing to say. I got involved in the movement and we had three different organizations and they were interlocking directories, meaning that officers in one served on boards for the other and the other. The three organizations included the NAACP. In the NAACP, all of our committees were called action committees (political action, education action). All were action committees because we were raising money expecting to secure our rights through the court system but in 1955 we appeared in court in Montgomery before Judge Walter B. Jones, and Judge Walter B. Jones had written an article that was widely circulated. He did columns for the Montgomery Advertiser periodically and he had written a column that said, and circulated even in the northern area. It said, "I speak for the white man" so when R. Carter of the NAACP office showed up to defend us and the NAACP, he asked Judge Jones to excuse himself because of his prior expressed prejudices against blacks. He refused to do so. He took a break and he walked up and down in the hall smoking, then came back in and he pulled the decision out of his inside coat pocket. He had already written his decision. "The NAACP was a foreign corporation doing business in Alabama without paying Alabama taxes," and so what we did, the regional office of the NAACP was in Birmingham, so during the course of the night we loaded those materials 5 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville and transported them to Atlanta, that's how the office ended up in Atlanta, but for all of the rest of the years since 1955 until after the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the NAACP could not operate in Alabama. The second organization was the Tuskegee Civic Association. This is the organization that led the successful movement for Civil Rights in Macon County. That group had started as a men's discussion group in the 1920' s. It became a men's meeting group in 1938 and became the Tuskegee Civic Association in 1941. As the Tuskegee Civic Association, we accepted membership from women, but women were treated kind of like second-class citizens. The men paid one dollar a year for membership dues. The thought was that women didn't have a dollar that they wanted to spare, so women were charged fifty cents a year until Beulah Johnson got up in one of the meetings and indicated that we needed to examine what we were doing because we were talking about an egalitarian society and we were treating our own wives as unequal. We responded by charging her a dollar and immediately we collected fifty cents more and then after that women paid the dollar. I mention Beulah Johnson because when we were having our difficulties locating the registrar's office, Beulah Johnson happened to go into City Bank and she noticed people going in and out of the vault and she just went back there and saw that the Board of Registrars was meeting at the City Bank and not at the courthouse and Beulah Johnson caught one of them and pulled him out and told him, "You go where the law requires you to be, and that is in the room set aside for registration in the courthouse," and Beulah got away with it. 6 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville The next organization was the Macon County Democratic Club. What we did there was do candidate analysis and make political endorsements, but we never endorsed any candidate until the night before the voting, and then we roamed around the county in meetings around the county, indicating the candidate that we would support. The reason we did that was because we didn't want the white candidate to be able to say who was getting the Negro vote so we kept them in the dark. One year it worked very well. The sheriff, Patty Evans, was perhaps one of the meanest people that God put in Macon County and we got him. We forced him into a runoff because he missed winning a majority by one vote and they checked all they could but he still didn't have it and so at the runoff election we supported Hornsby for the sheriff. Hornsby sneaked into black meetings and Hornsby always took his hat off in the presence of black women. We didn't get much promise out of Hornsby but Hornsby was the best thing we had going for us. With Hornsby, we heard him address our women properly. He promised us that ifwe worked with him to make him sheriff that neither he nor any of his deputies would ever hit another Negro with a club or not with a club. So, on that basis, we made him sheriff. Then, we made him probate judge and we discouraged any blacks from running against Hornsby until Hornsby reached the age of 70 and couldn't run any more and now Hornsby is dead. But Hornsby was one of the best white persons to happen to us during that period of turmoil in Tuskegee. The Tuskegee Civic Association would put its primary emphasis on securing for blacks the right to vote and the right to register unhindered. If you had any contact with the registration application of the late 1940's and the early 1950's, that application was 7 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville some three to five legal size paper and it was deliberately designed to confuse people who were trying to register. At one point on the application it asked for your place of birth and several lines below that it asked how long have you been a citizen of Alabama? Invariably, persons who were born in Alabama would subtract twenty-one years, believing that you only became a citizen when you achieved the right to vote. We had application after application rejected on those excuses. When I did my application to register the person who was the chairman of the Board of Registrars in Peck County had a tenth grade education, not that there was anything wrong with a tenth grade education, but he was trying to take me over an oath which he had not been taught to read himself and every time he made a mistake with the oath, I corrected him. So I never became fully sworn in as a registered voter. I just became a registered voter. They decided, "That's enough, we'll let you know in a week if you are qualified to vote in the state." But they took my discharge to prove that I was a veteran. I couldn't sleep that night for fear they had destroyed my discharge. I went back the next morning and they had already decided to register me because someone had said to them, "I think he is a lawyer for the NAACP," and so I was registered, I suppose, under false profession. Some of the things that they did (not only was the application confusing) ... We had application completion schools where we taught blacks how to do applications, but how would you like to have thrown at you questions like this. These were for black people; it was approved by the Alabama Supreme Court. They used it and finally in 1994 the Alabama Supreme Court approved these kinds of questions to be asked of persons trying to get registered, but the court was careful to point out that it was an attempt to 8 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville restrict the number of unqualified Negroes. The questions were like this: How many persons were in South Carolina's first congress; how many persons were needed to have a representative in the first congress; if the president appointed someone to a position that needed the approval of congress, what were the limitations. I wouldn't let him ask me those questions. What I said to him was, 'Tve got some that I'd like to ask you because I'm trained in constitutional history and if you will answer one for me I think I can handle some of these." He didn't because he couldn't. No one could answer them. Let me move to our work in registration and voting, beginning with 1957. In 1955, the NAACP was forced out of the state and an engineering firm was brought in from Birmingham, Denning and Associates. We were told in the black community that Denning and Associates were there to serve the black neighborhood so they could provide us with water, sanitary sewers, streetlights and paved streets. We cooperated with Denning. We helped him do his job only to discover that it was false pretense. What Denning was doing was surveying the city of Tuskegee in order to gerrymander the city of Tuskegee. A few of you have this gerrymander map. The city was squared off and rectangled off. When Denning got through with it, eliminating some three thousand black people from the population of the City of Tuskegee, about four hundred of these black people were registered voters when we didn't have much more than about four hundred and twenty voters. We have counted the size of this monstrosity and we can't agree whether it's twenty-six sided or twenty-nine sided, so those of you who have the maps you can try counting them and see what it shapes up to be. For example, one of the main streets was Fonsill Street and blacks lived on one side of the street and whites on the 9 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville other. So the city limits went right down the middle of Fonsill Street, but they couldn't get all of the black people out of Fonsill Street out of the city because on one end of Fonsill Street there were several black owned properties, so they didn't zigzag it in, they just went straight down the middle. They gerrymandered us out of the city. I was one of those gerrymandered out. When we got news of it through an introduction by Senator Sam Englehart into the Alabama senate, then we got the word and we appealed to the whites in the town. We appealed by newspaper advertisements to other legislators that they not pass this gerrymander bill and we didn't stop it. We could not stop it being passed by the Alabama legislature. What they were going to do, they said, was to "end forever this agitation by Negroes to try to take over our town and our county." The bill was allowed to become law in Governor Fulton's administration. He did not sign it. Then, the second bill that Englehart introduced (he was on a roll) a bill to abolish Macon County and to divide Macon County among the five surrounding counties and this bill passed, authorizing a constitutional amendment. We again appealed that this not be allowed to happen and Englehart's committee said that they would have hearings on it. Our organization asked to be represented at the hearings. We did not know as we took our little group down to Montgomery that Sam Englehart would dictate that only one Negro could be heard. So, the rest of us cooled our heels out in the hall and our leader, CG Gomillion, whom some of you have seen on film, was a mild mannered man. CG Gomillion was allowed to represent the Negroes in Macon County except that they would not allow him to be seated in the presence of the white inquisitors and he took it for the good of the order. What we decided to do was to mount a campaign, making speeches in 10 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville the counties that were supposed to get a piece of Macon County. We scared those other counties off because all of us who were doing speaking came from Tuskegee Institute, that hot bed of radicalism, and what the decision was by these counties was that they wanted their piece of the action, but they did not want Tuskegee Institute and the Veteran's Administration Hospital. We thought we'd tweak them a little bit and start investigating how Tuskegee Institute and the VA Hospital could be incorporated as a separate, black governed city and that's when the law was explained to us that we could not have a separate city because we would be within the police jurisdiction of an existing city. We never intended to do that anyhow, but that kind of tactic had worked for me when I was in the movement in South Carolina, where you start rumors among the white people of the worse kind and then expect them in fear to spread the rumors for you. It had worked before and that time it worked again. We did get one white group to oppose the abolition of the county. It was the Macon County Bar Association but for fear of white reaction against them, they made it clear that they only opposed the abolition of the county at the present time. We mounted what we called a crusade for a city democracy and we revived a campaign that had been tried in the l 940's, a campaign of trade with your friends, and so we put out handbills and the like, Trading With Your Friends, urging black people to trade only with those white people who would support our constitutional rights. A white retaliatory group then came out with its campaign urging white people not to hire Negroes and to fire the Negroes they already had. Well, it was like the same thing they tried to do in Montgomery in the bus boycott. It didn't work in Montgomery and it didn't work in Tuskegee, but it worked for black folk because our pressure on the 11 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville economic system forced the closure of over twenty businesses. We drove them out of town. We were so successful with that that when the whites tried to come into Macon County at the old Tuskegee Army Air Base, I was in Minnesota so I was sent on a mission by the group to this firm they were courting in Minnesota to establish a plant in Macon County and I single handedly nipped that one in the bud when I started talking about the kind of reaction that we were going to produce in the nation among the black population not to buy anything that they manufactured at any plant in Tuskegee. I know somebody will say you cost black people jobs, maybe so and maybe not. What we were trying to do was prove to whites that we were an integral part of the society and an integral part of the economy and that without us it would flounder. After all, blacks in Macon County constituted 84.6 percent of the population. We turned to the courts and in our case, there's a book on it by Bernard Taper. In our court action, in Gomillion versus Lightfoot, we filed suit over the gerrymander, over the redefinition of the boundaries. Judge Johnson, who would later render some fairly good decisions on our behalf, decided that he had no jurisdiction in the matter regarding the gerrymander of the city so we kept pushing and on November 14, 1960 we lost in the district court. We lost in the appellate court and we won in the Supreme Court. Another case that we brought was to secure an improvement of our registration possibilities. We tried to appeal and to quote the liberals in congress, including a personal visit that I had with Senator Humphrey and what I was trying to explain to him on behalf of my group, that there was a clause in the 14th Amendment which had never been enforced. It's that clause that provides that if any group of people were denied the right to vote that that state would proportionately lose 12 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville representation in the House of Representatives. If you look at it, it has never been enforced. What Senator Humphrey and others said was that that wasn't the way that we needed to go. We needed to keep pressing to force the southern states to live up to the constitutional requirements of both the 14th Amendment and the 15th Amendment. The th 15 Amendment does not grant the right to vote, but it protects the right to vote from discrimination in the application of a state's voting laws. We were able to finally get the Civil Rights Commission in December of 1958 to come into Tuskegee and examine our situation there and the commission did hold hearings in Montgomery and brought in black witnesses on this. It was a good move. John Doy le of the Attorney General's office would come in and help us in a voting rights case in 1959. One of the things that the Tuskegee Civic Association had going for it was that we had some good record keepers and so when the Board of Registrars would come into session it would hurry to register all whites and then they would cease to function. The law required that two be present before registration could take place and so ultimately one would come in, then the next time another one would come in, but they would not two of them, so that we could get blacks registered to vote. Every week we would draw up a list of twelve qualified blacks and mail that list by registered letter to the three persons who had charge in the state of appointing the boards of registrars so that when the Justice Department came in we had records of all of this and when the Justice Department tried to get the registration records they had to go to Judge Johnson's court to get an order forcing the registrars to open their books, to open those registration books from 1950 to 1960. It was while we were examining the applications of whites that we discovered how little prepared some of 13 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville those applications had been and yet those persons had been registered to vote. In my participation in research, I guess I've seen enough bad writing as a teacher so that immediately one of the applications caught my eye because everything on it was filled out in the same handwriting, including the signature, and over on the edge there was a tiny X. The person who had been registered was an illiterate white woman out of Notasulga, Alabama. So that helped to make our case. The trial on the voting rights issue was held m Opelika, you had these state lawyers profiling and stancing because the thought they had the right judge, and they did have the right judge until we got them before the Supreme Court and then they had the wrong judge there. We had our lawyer put this lady on the stand, and then the bombshell. "You're under oath. Is this your signature?" The lawyer for the state said, Judge, "She doesn't have to answer that." We persisted and the judge said that she must answer. We went a step further. We handed her a pen and asked her to sign, and she couldn't. She said, "You all are just trying to shame me, embarrass me," and I momentarily had this twinge of pity that anybody that would abuse a female in that fashion, using her and then trying to put her in further danger of legal action by claiming that she indeed had prepared this application. Well, we had our case dismissed but again, we took it to the Appellate Court and again, we lost. We took it to the Supreme Court and again, we won. In 1959 we seemed to have been on a roll and so two of us decided that we would write our own voting rights bill, so we did. We wrote a voting rights bill that provided that in those counties where the registrars were unwilling to register persons who were qualified to vote, if they failed to perform their functions, then the registrars would be 14 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville federal registrars. Does that sound familiar to anybody? You see, Adam Clayton Powell put it in legal language for the House and while we told him to wait while we gathered some support for this, Adam Clayton Powell needed a political stand so he introduced it but he couldn't get any support for it. What pleased us was later on the Voting Rights Act of 1965, those areas that do not perform the functions of registering qualified people to vote, federal registrars can replace them. So, we did have that part that was represented. In 1959, the Alabama legislature was again attracted to our situation in Macon County and so the Macon County representative introduced a bill, which he called a bill to curb voter registration of the Negro. That was in 1959. Well, folk, when we first started working this registration business the white Board of Registrars required that every Negro applicant who was deemed to be qualified to vote must be vouched for as a good Negro by a white registered voter. So, Gomillion was not registered to vote at first. Gomillion was going to build a house on their street. So, Gomillion put it out for bids and the Carter brothers in Tuskegee, a building firm, had the lowest bid and they kept wondering, "When will he let us start?" Gomillion said to them, 'Tm going to start building this house as soon as I become a registered voter," and they said, "If that's your problem we'll take care of that." So, Gomillion opened another avenue to black folk. Don't do business with white folk who won't vouch for you to vote if you're a good Negro. So, many white folks started vouching for too many good Negroes and the registrars decided that now no white person could know no more than three good Negroes in one year. We went to court again. We broke up that white voucher system so it became possible for black folk to vouch for black folk. We vouched for black folk all 15 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH ~ University of Alabama in Huntsville over the place but when we were sending these names in and all, they were being rejected and we were building a case for the Supreme Court. We knew that's where we would get our relief. So, we did with the Justice Department. We got before the Supreme Court because Johnson had turned us down and the Supreme Court remanded this case to Johnson and told Judge Johnson that these Negro citizens who are as qualified as the least qualified white voter on the list must be registered to vote, so Johnson issued the order. But guess what? The least qualified white person on the list was an illiterate white woman. So that opened Pandora's box by registering an illiterate white voter. That made themselves subject if we pushed it to the registration of illiterate black voters. Now folk, in this whole process we brought the evidence, they rejected over 170 blacks, none of whom had less than two years of college, and the chairman of the board had a 10th grade education when he was declaring along with his companions that these blacks were not literate enough to vote for they had not completed a perfect application. You had to complete a perfect application, they declared. Now the case I talked about, the gerrymander case, this is Gomillion versus Lightfoot and there was a book out on that case. In fact, there are four books that I can cite to you and one I particularly think is sufficiently documented, that's the book written by a person who served as historian of the group ahead of me, Jessie Parkhurst Guzman. Her book, Crusade for Civic Democracy, contains a number of documents, the cases that I have cited for you being among them. Bernard Taper, who wrote a series of articles for the New Yorker came out with his book, Gomillion versus Lightfoot: Apartheid in Alabama and then Charles Hamilton, a political scientist eventually at Columbia 16 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville University and the coauthor of Black Power. If you read Black Power, some of the material in there is material taken from the Archives of the Tuskegee Civic Association. Another book is Robert Norrell's book, Reaping the Whirlwind. Norrell says what he has done is to look at the Macon County situation from both the white perspective and the African-American perspective. We would continue this pressure to continue to get blacks registered to vote. We would continue the pressure for legal action and at the Supreme Court level we eventually did not lose any of the cases that we got before the Supreme Court of the United States. We mounted this crusade for civic democracy like that Montgomery Bus Boycott of a later time. Tuskegee, really, was more of a mother of the Civil Rights Movement than Montgomery. It is not known that Ralph Abernathy, a late friend of mine, and Dr. King came to Tuskegee to get ideas about how we conducted our affairs in the Tuskegee Civic Association. In a home there on Washington Avenue, I was talking to my good friend Ralph. We knew what King had talked about nonviolence and I was not then nonviolent. No, I wasn't, because I had known violence several times. A cop had threatened to kill me on 280 in Birmingham, a cop had threatened to kill me in Macon County and a white man had gotten his gun on me in Decatur when I was trying to buy gasoline. In instances, they said I didn't know how to talk to white folks. I had gotten lost in Lawrence County. I was conducting citizenship and voting classes for the Southern Branch of the National Urban League and we had a standing operating procedure and that was if you got lost out there on those country roads and couldn't find your way out, look for the worse house on the road and go there and get directions, because that would be the house occupied by black folk. Well, one night I saw such a 17 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville house and I went up on the porch. The mistake was there was a single light bulb on the porch and that should have warned me that blacks hadn't electrified in that area, but I knocked on the door and this white man came to the door and he said, "What you want Negro?" I quickly made me up a name and an excuse. I told him I was an insurance man and that I was looking for this fellow. He said, "Nigger, there ain't no such nigger around here." I backed off the porch because you see in those circumstances you learn that you don't walk away, you back away, for if you walk away and you get shot, you get shot in the back, you see, so that you have done a crime and you' re trying to get away and you got stopped. So, I didn't get back to that area. I never completed my task either because I rode around until I found my way out to my county and headed on home. You know, I was saying to someone that I may be the only black person 111 Alabama who has been called a black George Wallace. It was in Lowndes County. I was down there speaking in Hayneville, Alabama to a group of black folk I was trying to get registered and all and a reporter/photographer for the State Sovereignty Commission was following us around and so he showed up, camera in hand. I wasn't talking to him. I was doing the rap, as they say, with the black folk. He turned to me and he shook his finger at me and said that I was nothing but a black George Wallace, and I used profanity and he left. I asked the Lord to forgive the use of those words, which I had not used in a mighty long time. Now for us, we elected our first blacks to office in 1964 in Macon County, two members of the city council and one county commissioner. We had tried to elect earlier, before we got a majority of the vote, a member of the Board of Education. We had gone 18 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville to Notasulga and mailed the postcards there to encourage people to vote for her, Jessie Parkhurst Guzman, author of the book I mentioned. We mailed one card back to Tuskegee and that one card was not delivered so we knew that the postmaster 111 Notasulga had destroyed the mail and we put Washington on them because we knew what they had done. They would never do that again, but we didn't win the seat either. In 1964, we were moving so well with elected officials that the decision was made that we would not try to take control of the government but share the government, black and white. A group rose up to challenge the old pioneer leaders on the grounds that we were out of church, but we would come back and our way would prevail. The following election, in 1968, I was elected unanimously to the city council and unanimously by the council to be the first black mayor pro tern, and then for eight weeks I became the first black to serve as mayor of Tuskegee without being elected. I was interim and I also became a black judge for a day. I handled one case to save the city money. It was a case of an alcoholic who came to town because he had been put on a bus and sent to Tuskegee. I put him on a bus and sent him to Montgomery. Do you have questions? Moderator: Does anyone have questions? Q: You said that ... A: We won the election over that candidate. Q: Was there any specific turning point where Judge Frank Johnson sort of turned? A: Judge Frank Johnson got his wrists slapped by the Supreme Court of the United States when they remanded the voting rights case to him and told him to issue a ruling on it and so we got a good ruling out of him. He is the one who carried through that the 19 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville Board of Registrars must register all qualified Negroes who were as qualified as voters already on the list. When the Board of Registrars received the court order permitting the Justice Department to examine the records, they put a sign up saying that there would be no registration because the office had been invaded by the "Injustice Department." They resigned and we kept trying to get new registrars appointed. No white person would accept an appointment to the Board of Registrars so we offered our own registrars to them and Frank Johnson issued a ruling that they were to have functioning registrars. He would send in federal registrars and so under that threat they came back and they had to gradually register a backlog of over 170 black folk, all of whom had been qualified. Moderator: Any more questions? Q: (inaudible) A: No. We always figured, you see, in these southern courts your district judges and your appellate judges are southerners and they had to be brought around by the Supreme Court. I would guess that no judge likes to be continuously reversed if he has aspirations for elevation in the federal judiciary and so eventually Frank Johnson became very favorable for us. The same thing happened in South Carolina with Judge Wright. I was scheduled to be a litigant to desegregate the School of Law at the University of South Carolina, I'm a South Carolina person, but I got into a fight and they tested me and decided that I was a bit too volatile to talk about desegregating anything. And so I lost my chance for that history. Q: Professor Toland, could you tell us a little bit about events in Tuskegee after the Lee versus Macon County court case desegregated the schools in Tuskegee. 20 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville A: The Lee versus Macon case was a case that involved first of all twelve black youngsters, I think eventually thirteen attended the school. We got Lee versus Macon, which we financed through the Tuskegee Civic Association. We got it declared to be a class action suit and then to make the ruling in the case applicable to other school districts in the state if they were similarly situated and once we won the case and Judge Johnson ordered the admission of these students, George Wallace sent in state troopers and closed the school. So we got Judge Johnson to order the black students who would have gone to the school placed in the white school in Notasulga and what eventually happened to Tuskegee school is that arson destroyed the building where the classes were held that had the black student center. It was done at night. Blacks were not there. Judge Johnson ordered those students displaced in Tuskegee to be bused to Notasulga, the school there, and of course a year later all of the whites pulled out of the school and you were operating a school for twelve or thirteen black youngsters. After they burned the building, these kids had no school. They had to be put in a school in Notasulga. Maybe it was a good thing because the school burned in those areas and we got instant urban renewal on the school because under court order they had to provide a school and so they built a new facility at the place where they had burned it down. But the cross burnings were at work in the county. Several whites that cautioned that we should make an effort to heal the community found some properties of theirs burned. We had two blacks, who were businessmen, and their businesses were burned to the ground. One of them was a shopping center owned by a black family and they burned that. The other was a store across from campus. You see the vacant spot there. That's where another school used to 21 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville stand. It was during the boycott years and we were not trading downtown. We were trading with these grocers, so they burned them out and we had to trade in Auburn and in Montgomery. We were running transfers of people into Auburn and into Montgomery to trade. Tragedy would befall one of the students who was involved in that desegregation. He never quite recovered when all of the accolade died down. One thing that desegregating school situations developed was that we made heroes out of these persons. They were ordinary people and we made heroes out of them. We paraded them around, elevated them to programs and all, what you have done to serve your black community and all, and it was a little bit too much for them. One day, there was a student of mine in Bible study, and he would come up with things out of his reading. He was reading stuff about how you reduce the pressure on population by wars to kill some of the people off and so he bought into it and he killed himself. He reduced the pressure on the population by committing suicide. This was the only tragedy. I offered our daughters as one of the persons and my wife said to me, "I'm sacrificing a husband. I will not sacrifice a daughter." She was sacrificing a husband because I got these threats and when I would come home at night, since my house fronted a well traveled street, I would have to drive into the back of my house and go underneath the house and wait until traffic died down and then come up the back way into my house. After dark, I could not use my living room because the house had been shot into and there was fear that if I used my living room after dark I could get shot. I couldn't take a gun because I couldn't get a permit. And besides, if I had a permit I wouldn't know who was threatening me anyway, and so I survived it. 22 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville Q: Can I ask you to comment a little bit more about the question answered earlier, the challenge of young people to Mr. Gomillion? Who exactly were the young people and might you also comment about the changing student body at Tuskegee, the impact of SNCC, for example. Where does Macon County stand today in reference to the struggles and the hopes that you had 34 years ago? A: Some of these persons had come in from the outside to work among the youth there in Tuskegee. They had been caught up in Stokely Carmichael and the Black Panther movement. They came into Tuskegee with a source of money, for one thing, and the students were there and they believed that the students were ready to be radicalized and so they worked in that direction with the students. We had some demonstrations on campus. We had growing out of that students to rampage in the hall of the main camps building, and I was in there when they were rampaging but when I started out knowing what they were doing I decided to spend the night in my office. I never went back to that office at night again. What they did was they cut the fire hoses and turned on all of the water and locked the front door of the building, wouldn't let faculty out. They locked the trustees up in Dorothy Hall, they had food fights all over the place and somebody called the state troopers to come in to quell the disturbance there at Dorothy Hall. So, the movement for the young people turned a little bit away from Dr. King. King was not the hero to some of these students, Malcolm X was. Q: What about your reflections on where you are now in reference to your struggle? A: I tell you, with our students now, I really wish they were a bit more proactive. I wish they thought of something other than their own SUV's and their walkie-talkies and that 23 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville sort of thing. I really wish they would be more proactive. They're just not interested. We have a few students that I talk to because they don't study enough to logically analyze anything. Some of them study in one direction. I love sweet potatoes, but I don't want sweet potatoes three times a day. Some of them are reading the same stuff, you see, so they are not giving any kind of variety to their learning experiences. Q: You mentioned a very lengthy process for these legal appeals, which I imagine took a great deal of effort and time. Please elaborate on the support. Did the NAACP help in this? A: When we brought the Justice Department in, the Justice Department paid for those cases. Where we had our own attorneys and the attorneys of the NAACP, the NAACP financed the case where the NAACP was thrown out of state. The NAACP financed that case, but people were generous in their giving to the Tuskegee Civic Association. During the course of what we called the crusades, when we had weekly meetings, we had built twelve collection boxes (twelve locked collection boxes). Every week people would put money through the slot in the collection box and then we would go back to the office, unlock the boxes, count the money and bank the money, so that we were able to finance Lee versus Macon, for example, from our own resources. We instituted what we called a life membership. It was a cheap life membership because you could become a life member for $25.00 and a lot of people joined life membership and put their kids in. I ended up with five life memberships. I wanted my kids to get off on the right track. Q: I want to ask a question about the VA Hospital ..... . 24 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama UAH - University of Alabama in Huntsville A: The test of Tuskegee Civic Association was a nonpartisan organization, and then persons from the Veterans Administration Hospital could work in the units of Tuskegee Civic Association. Remember, for the NAACP we called them action committees, political action, education and that sort of thing; but when the NAACP was forced out of the state we concentrated the work of the NAACP into the Tuskegee Civic Association. We called the Civic Association's committees education committees so that the persons who worked at the Veteran's Administration Hospital could be active in the group. Now, we had teachers in the movement. Alabama legislature passed a law removing the teachers from Macon County from the tenure track. When they did that, what we did was move all teachers out of leadership positions in the Tuskegee Civic Association so that they would not lose their tenure or their retirement. We adjusted to that. The NAACP on campus, we called it the student forum and then we did the same thing we were doing when it was the NAACP, except we called it education. We did the same thing with the Tuskegee Civic Association. We now doubled our responsibilities because we took on the work of the NAACP. Someone had asked me earlier about Lee versus Macon. Anthony Lee, I think, was born to do what he did. His father was Detroit Lee, who was a pioneer in the Tuskegee Civic Association and then he decided to run for probate judge in the democratic primary and I warned him that he would violate the Hatch Act by doing so, but Detroit Lee had challenged many things before and this time he challenged the Hatch Act and lost. He lost the election and he lost his job. Closing: We are going to have refreshments in a minute or two and I remind you that our next session is two weeks from tonight. 25 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 Relation A related resource <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/resources/21" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">View the Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 finding aid in ArchivesSpace</a> Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context uah_civr_000025 Title A name given to the resource Digitized transcription of VHS tape of "Turmoil in Tuskegee". Description An account of the resource Frank Toland is the speaker in this lecture given at University of Alabama in Huntsville. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Alabama A & M University University of Alabama in Huntsville Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections, Huntsville, Alabama Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2001-11-15 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 2000-2009 Subject The topic of the resource Toland, Frank, 1920-2010 Civil rights movements--Southern states--History--20th century Tuskegee (Ala.) Macon County (Ala.) Segregation African Americans--Legal status, laws, etc. Civil rights demonstrations Type The nature or genre of the resource Lectures Text Transcript Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Print Has Format A related resource that is substantially the same as the pre-existing described resource, but in another format. Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/archival_objects/404">VHS Tape of: Turmoil in Tuskegee - Speaker: Frank Toland, 2001-11-15. Box 2, Tape 10</a> University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections, Huntsville, Alabama Language A language of the resource en Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 25 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/archival_objects/392">Turmoil in Tuskegee - Speaker: Frank Toland - Transcription of Tape 10, 2003 Box 1, File 11</a> University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives, Special Collections, and Digital Initiatives, Huntsville, Alabama https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/32/13352/TheCivilRightsMovementinAlabama_Tape12_File13.pdf 8a5846a315cf189d5e149efd65936980 PDF Text Text The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama (A Look Back and a Look Ahead) Speaker: Aldon Morris Welcome to the last session of a series of public lectures on the Civil Rights Movement. Yes, this is the last session. The 15 lecture series included some of the most noted figures of the Civil Rights Movement. They have rotated between UAH and A&M and have lasted the entire fall semester. A&M and UAH are to be commended for planning and implementing such an excellent collaborative and historical lecture series. The planning committee has worked very hard to make sure each lecture was carried out as scheduled. Many times we see the finished product and we forget about all of the background and the preparation that has gone into making each program a success. In expression of our appreciation for all the hours of planning and implementation, let us give the planning committee another hand of applause. Attendance at the lectures has been excellent. People attending the lectures seem to listen attentively as the presenters gave first-hand accounts of the major development of the Civil Rights Movement in Alabama from 1954 to 1965. For some of us, the lectures are a source of new knowledge or additional knowledge. For others, the lectures cause us to reflect on the past and have hope for the future. The lecture this evening by Dr. Aldon Morris entitled, The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama (A Look Back and a Look Ahead) will be dynamic and thought provoking. Dr. Morris will be introduced by Dr. Glenna Colclough, Chair of the Sociology Department at UAH, but before the introduction of the speaker I would like to acknowledge the sponsors that made the lecture series possible. We have the Alabama I �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University Humanities Foundation. We have Marion Carter who is the associate director of this organization in the audience. Please stand. The Huntsville Times, Mevatec Corporation, DESE Research, Alabama Representative Laura Hall, Alabama A&M University Office of the President, Office of the Provost. We have Dr. James Hicks who is provost in the audience, A&M, State Black Archives Research Center and Museum, Title III Telecommunications and Distance Learning Center, Office of Student Development, Honors Center, Sociology/Social Work, History and Political Science at Alabama A&M University. We have the University of Alabama Office of the President. We have Dr. Frank Franz, President of UAH, in the audience, Office of Provost UAH, Dr. Fran Johnson. History Forum Bankhead Foundation, Sociology Social Issues Foundation, Humanities Center, Division of Continuing Education, Honors Program, Office of Multicultural Affairs, Office of Student Affairs and UAH Copy Center. The reception this evening is sponsored by the social work department's undergraduate and graduate student organization. So again, thank you for attending this important historical lecture series. Thank you very much. Introduction: I am Glenna Colclough from the University of Alabama in Huntsville. We are so pleased to have Professor Aldon Morris with us tonight for the last lecture series on the Civil Rights Movement in Alabama and also for the Sociology Department Social Issues Symposium, which has also worked on this particular lecture this evening. We are honored to have with us one of the most distinguished sociologists in the country and foremost sociologist of the Civil Rights Movement. 2 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University Aldon Douglas Morris was born and spent his early years in the Mississippi Delta before moving to Chicago as a young adolescent where he began his very distinguished educational career. In 1972, he earned an associate's degree in sociology from OliveHarvey College in Chicago. In 1974, he graduated cum laude with a bachelor's degree in sociology from Bradley University in Peoria, Illinois and attended graduate school at the State University of New York, Stony Brook, where he earned an MA in 1977 and a Ph.D. in 1980, both in sociology. Professor Morris' first teaching position was at the University of Michigan where he began as an assistant professor in 1980. He left Michigan in 1988 and became an associate professor and associate chair of the department of sociology there in Michigan and then in 1988, Professor Morris returned to the greater Chicago area accepting a position at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois. He has been a full professor of sociology there since 1992 and was chair of the department from 1992 to 1997. At Northwestern, Professor Morris has also been associated with the Institute for Policy Research. Aldon Morris has been the recipient of countless awards and honors. Among his numerous publications, his book, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement, is generally recognized now as a true classic in the field of social movement. He has won many awards including The Gustavus Myers Award, the Distinguished Contributions to Scholarship for the American Sociological Association and the Annual Scholarly Achievement Award of the North Central Sociological Association. The book was also selected by choice as one of the outstanding academic books of 1984. In 1986, Professor Morris became the President of the Association of Black Sociologists, a post he held for 3 3 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University years. He was the consultant for the famous PBS series, Eyes on the Prize, in the mid1980's and was also associate editor the American Sociological Review from 1983 to 1986. Over the years, Dr. Morris has been very busy organizing numerous conferences and speaking all over the country and his work has been published and reprinted in numerous places. In 1995, he received the Certificate of Leadership Award from the Association of Black Sociologists and in 1997, he held the Martin Luther King, Jr., Caesar Chavez, Rosa Parks Visiting Professorship at the University of Michigan. In recent years, Professor Morris has continued his research on the Civii Rights Movement. In addition, his research includes the study of the National Baptist Convention funded through the Hartford Seminary as well as the study of The Black Chicago Renaissance Movement. Tonight, Aldon Morris is here to offer us some reflections on the Civil Rights Movement and his talk is entitled, The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama (A Look Back and a Look Ahead). Please join me in welcoming Dr. Aldon Morris. Aldon Morris: Well, good evening. First of all, it is a real pleasure and honor to me to be here. I want to thank each and every member of the planning committee. Knowing something about organizing in social movements and so forth, I know that nothing never just takes place out of the blue, a lot of work went into it. So, I want to just recognize the people who put this all together. I would say that one of the reasons why I decided to come to Huntsville is because I think that during this period of history it is very important for us to revisit the Civil Rights Movement and what has happened in this country in terms of race relations 4 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University and so one. Hopefully, in my talk, I will give you some sense that it is not just important as a romantic journey into the past to revisit the glory days as they were but to really think about race and race inequality today. So, then it is a pleasure for me to address you and to speak on Alabama's role in the Civil Rights Movement and where we need to go from here. One simply cannot think about the Civil Rights Movement without thinking about the 1955 Montgomery Bus Boycott where 50,000 African-Americans refused to ride the buses for over a year. Certainly, we cannot think about the Civil Rights Movement and not think about the major confrontation in Birmingham, Alabama in 1963. We cannot think about the Civil Rights Movement and not think about the Selma confrontation in 1965. When we think about the Birmingham confrontation in 1963, what is going to come out of that of course is going to be the 1964 Civil Rights Act that is going to take the legal teeth out the Jim Crow order. Then, of course, the 1965 Selma confrontation was the major struggle that ended up with blacks ceasing the franchise and being able to vote, which they had not been able to do since the reconstruction period. So, then, clearly Alabama is a good place to talk about the Civil Rights Movement. Now, I want to add a personal note here because I think it would provide some kind of context for what I am going to say. I was born in Saltwater, Mississippi in 1949. I cannot believe that I am this old, but it happens. I knew the Jim Crow system first hand. I drunk from colored water fountains. I attended segregated inferior schools. I remembered that when school began in the fall that almost all of the black students would disappear for 3 months and they went out into the white man's cotton field. I can still recall very 5 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University clearly how we had to walk a mile to the colored school passmg by a very new sophisticated looking white school and walk to the colored school and then receive the torn up hand-me-down books that the white students no longer had any use for. I remember when whites called our father boy and called our mother auntie and referred to all of other inhabitants of the black community as niggers. As a young boy, I loved ice cream. I remember having to walk to the Dairy Creme and then having to go round to the back of the Dairy Creme and have the ice cream cone handed to me out of a little hole in the wall in the back of the Dairy Creme. As a 16-year-old boy, I was gripped with fear when Emmett Till, 14 years old from Chicago, was lynched in Mississippi. In short, what I am saying is that I experienced the prison of Jim Crow first hand. Though more formerly stated, by the l 950's, southern whites in Alabama and throughout the south had established a very comprehensive system of domination over blacks. It is what I have called a tripartite system of domination in the sense that it controlled blacks economically, politically and personally. Economically, blacks were highly concentrated in the lowest paying and dirtiest job that the rural areas in the city had to offer. Politically, southern blacks were oppressed because they were systematically excluded from the political process. They could not serve as jurors and they really had no input into the governing process. blacks were controlled personally because the system of racial segregation denied them personal freedom and by personal freedom I am talking about something as simple as being able to urinate in a decent toilet. I am talking about the kind of personal freedom that whites enjoyed on a routine basis. 6 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University So, racial segregation itself was an arrangement that set blacks off from the rest of humanity and labeled them as an inferior race. Thus, the monumental question that confronted southern blacks at the second half of the 20th century was simply this, how can a relatively powerless group overthrow this tripartite system of domination. It is a system of domination that is backed by legislation, by custom, by terror and by the iron fist of the southern state. There was a darkening path. How do you overthrow this kind of system without very much power? Now, the great abolitionist, Frederic Douglas had already given a clue as to what has to happen when he declared that he who would be free must himself strike the first blow. The Civil Rights Movement was really that first blow in terms of overthrowing the Jim Crow order. Now, the Alabama Movement struck a blow heard throughout America and around the world. So, let me just present to you my thesis or really what my basic argument is here. It is this, that the local movement in Alabama and throughout the south encompassed the organizational and political framework that were the culminating forces that really ended up withdrawing the Jim Crow order. To understand how the Civil Rights Movement overthrew racial segregation in America, you must come to grips with what I talk about as the local movement. When you think about these local movements, they did at least 3 things, one is that they organized and mobilized the black masses. Two, they developed the strategy of mass nonviolence direct action and three, they persuaded the people to abandon their passivity and fear and to boldly disrupt the Jim Crow order until it would collapse. Then, to simplify, I am going to focus tonight on the 1963 Birmingham confrontation. It is important to keep in mind that the same dynamics 7 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University that unfolded in Birmingham in 1963 also unfolded in many local black communities throughout the south. When I first started studying the Civil Rights Movement, I was struck by how previous accounts attributed how the Jim Crow order got overthrown. They attributed the victory to the Supreme Court, 1954 Brown versus Board decision or they would attribute it to the actions of the Kennedy and Johnson administration and to the actions of sympathetic, northern white liberals. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. was given some credit. He was usually viewed as a charismatic, black Moses who single-handedly waved the magic wand that freed his people, but as I dove into the archives and interviewed key participants of this pivotal movement, I developed a very different view of how it all happened. I came to recognize that even though the courts were important and so were the Kennedy and Johnson administration as well as sympathetic whites, but these were not the critical factors responsible for overthrowing the Jim Crow order. They were secondary factors, which were triggered by moral and deeper primary factors. Then, in my view and in my research, the primary factors were the local movements that were developed following the 1955 Montgomery Bus Boycott. These local movements had a definite character. First, they were deeply rooted in the black church. Many of them were led by black ministers. Second, they were committed to mass nonviolent direct action that directly confronted the forces of racial segregation. Third, they were associated with the charismatic leadership of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Now, why was the black church so important m this context? I think it is important to talk about the black church historically here but also I think it gets a bum rap a lot for what it fails to do and I think there is a lot of criticism for the black church 8 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University and we may get into it later. I think that we also need to also recognize the historic role that it displayed in the black community. The black church was so crucial to the movement because it was a mass base, indigenous institution respected by black people. Its ministers constituted the bulk of black leadership. The church was largely free of white control and could act independently if it had the courage to do so. During the days of racial segregation, you could not think of any other organization or institution within the black community that was as free to act independently if it had the courage to do so with the church. The black church functioned as a repository of black culture that housed and nourished the community's sacred beliefs and cultural expressions, especially black music. In studying the Civil Rights Movement, I remember talking to a minister about the role of music, one of the major leaders of this other movement. We could not have been able to mobilize that movement and the whole people together if we did not have the music. Church services are the black community's communication network. You go to church and you learn what is happening in the community. You learn the gossip. You learned other kinds of important information. Finally, the church was the community's organizational framework through which important goals could be pursued in a systematic fashion. Because of all of these functions of the black church, it really had no rival in the black community in terms of its importance and this is why the sociologist, E. Franklin Frazier, referred to the black church as a nation within a nation. It falls then that the black church would become the institution on their cultural backbone of the Civil Rights movement. 9 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University The strength and importance of local movements were determined by the degree that the community's churches became involved in the movement in terms of providing a mass of people willing to engage in protest, providing the movement with leadership, with finances and with the resolve to face danger despite the possible consequences. Now, these movements were crucial because they became committed to engaging in mass, nonviolent direct action. When you think about the Jim Crow order and for those of you who are old enough to remember, you know that the Jim Crow order was nothing to be played with. Those who dared to violate its rules could expect awful consequences including being fired from your job, being jailed, being beaten and at worst being hung from the limb of a tree. It was a system designed to make people cowards and to say yes boss to white people who despised them. It was a system that was designed to exploit black people economically and to dominate them politically. It was a system that thrived on keeping black people educationally ignorant and timid. Jim Crow then was dedicated to producing meek, black people who were afraid to rebel against one of the cruelest systems of domination known to human beings. As I said earlier, it was backed by guns, southern states and by terror groups like the Klan. So, then the job of local movements was to produce a fort that could overcome the power of white segregationists. The great achievement of the 1955 Montgomery Bus Boycott was its revelation that there existed a method of social protest that could boldly confront the Jim Crow system and win. That method was nonviolent direct action. First of all, most blacks, like most other Americans, believed in self-defense rather than turning the other cheek. To 10 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University have people in mass to function nonviolently was a great, great achievement. It was a method that had to be taught to black people. I know at one time I was in Turkey and I asked folks there about what they thought about the Civil Rights Movement and they said the blacks were peaceful and they would sing all this beautiful music and all. I was thinking I really know black people and it was a very complicated thing to get them to accept this whole idea of engaging in nonviolent direct action. It was a unique form of combat that could be used in a way to really challenge the Jim Crow system. I often think about what if King and others had chosen to try to overthrow Jim Crow violently at that time. How might the response have been very different? More than likely, it would have been crushed immediately by the power of the state and other groups acting violently against it. I would argue then that when you think about the Civil Rights Movement one of the thing very important to recognize is that generation formed a taxable problem. It said, we want to overthrow segregation. We do not have that much power. We do not have the guns. We do not have the state behind us. We do not have the media behind us. What do we do then? They came up with this idea of engaging in massive, nonviolence direct action. Another very important thing about that movement was the creation and the development of Martin Luther King Jr., as a charismatic leader because leaders are important in a movement. Now, King became a charismatic tool of the black community and of the Civil Rights Movement. What do I mean by charismatic tool? That means anytime he went to a movement, say he goes to Montgomery, Birmingham or to Selma, immediately the focus of the nation was on that community. He had the eyes of the world 11 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University on where he went and the black community really never had that kind of person. So, that gave the black community something that it had never had. One of the things in studying social movement that I think is an important point for all of those who wish to engage in social change by participating in social movements is there is never such a thing as one leader that leads the social movement. The data shows that Martin Luther King Jr. did not create the Civil Rights Movement, the Civil Rights Movement created Dr. King in the sense that there were already large numbers of people in Montgomery, Alabama in 1955 who had already decided that they were going to have a boycott. Rosa Parks was not just some tired old lady. She was an activist. She worked in the NAACP and working in the NAACP in Montgomery, Alabama in 1955 was like working in the Black Panther Party in 1966 or 1967. So, when they decided that they were gong to have this boycott, they looked around and they said who should be our spokesperson. Then, they said there is this good speaker over at Dexter Church, Reverend King. He is pretty eloquent and he has a Ph.D. They said, let's try him. So, that is how King became the leader of the Montgomery Bus Boycott. From there, he went on to grow into this major charismatic tool. I made this point because for those who are interested in social change to have the idea that there are somewhat Moses type of leaders that are going to come along and wave a magic wand and free people is just not the way it happens. So, then, we have a development in the south where now black people have a method, nonviolent direct action, to go and confront the system of domination directly. Now, you have a charismatic leader who can bring attention to those movements, not only domestically but 12 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University bring attention to the whole world as to what is happening to black people in a country that is selling itself as the beacon of democracy. We have to remember that another very important contact during this period was that America was locked in the Cold War. It was in a colossal battle with the Soviet Union. The cold would be the super power. What the United States was doing internationally was telling all of the newly, independent nations of Africa, Asia, and South America is that you should come and align yourself with us because those communists in the Soviet Union are a totalitarian government. They are totalitarian; we are democratic. So, what this did for the merging Civil Rights Movement was once these local movements confronted the system of segregation, then the leaders of the Third World looked at America and said, is this a democracy? Is that how you treat young black children in the streets and so forth? So, then there was this international contact. This was also very important because with the confrontations in the street it really caused a nightmare for the American Foreign Policy. I believe that ( and this is why it is so important to talk about the fact that there is no one leader of a mass movement), the confrontation in Birmingham in 1963 where King was triumphant would never have happened without Fred Shuttlesworth and the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights. Fred Shuttlesworth and the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights built a strong local movement over in Birmingham. He had fought the system of segregation in Birmingham for 7 years before King decided to come to Birmingham in 1963. In terms of Fred Shuttlesworth, let me just give you a sense of the kind of person that he was. Fred Shuttlesworth is one of the few 13 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University people and I have talked with him a lot. I would say he is my favorite civil rights leader really from that period because this man really conquered the fear of death. For him, the destruction of racial segregation became more important than his own life. That is why in 1956 when he organized the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights. He cried in this manner, "Now, when you organize to fight segregation that means you can never be still. We are going to wipe it out or it is going to wipe us out. Somebody may have to die." Shuttlesworth was clear that he, himself, was ready to die for the cause. He maintained, "I tried to get killed in Birmingham. I tried to widow my wife and my children for God's sake. I believed that scripture, which says whosoever will lose his life for my sake shall find it. I had no fear." So, this was the attitude that was incomprehensible to Bohr Conner and I would also say to a lot of black people as well. A system of oppression cannot endure for long when it is persistently attacked by leaders willing to die for freedom and one who is able to instill that spirit in the hearts of the oppressed. That was the character of the leadership that took place in Birmingham. Let me also emphasize this once again, I will not take your time to go through this, but there were literally hundreds of leaders, activists and organizers who were part of the local movement in Birmingham. Now, I argued a little earlier about how important the black church was, saying that was where most of the participants came from, that is how the black mass organized, that is how they financed the movement, passed the plate and raised the money and so forth. You know something that was interesting during the Civil Rights Movement and in Birmingham is that the churches who supported the movement earlier were hardly 14 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University Working class black churches but relatively poor Black churches. So, when I say the black church, I want to be a little careful there because at that time there were about 400 black churches in Birmingham, Alabama. The movement that really produced the major confrontations in Birmingham was organized by about 40 working class black churches. The other black leaders or other ministers were accommodation leaders. They had deals with the white power structure. They were afraid to stand up with the people and so on. The middle class and more prosperous black churches were rather late in coming to the movement and supporting it. Now, I want to briefly mention why it is that Birmingham in 1963 ended up being the major ____ that it was. It was because when you think of what power is. The famous sociologist Max Vaper defined power in this way. He says it is the ability to realize one's own will despite resistance. In Birmingham, as in many other local southern cities and rural areas, blacks have gone to the white power structure and said look, can you desegregate the buses. Can we have some black policeman? Can we get some school desegregation? I mean the Brown decision was passed 3 or 4 years ago and nothing has happened and the white power structure always responded by saying, look you know we cannot do that. Segregation is the law of the land. So, what we have here is black leaders who are without power. They are going and they are pleading and begging the white power structure to implement change. The power of the Civil Rights Movement is this. How do you generate the ability to realize your own will despite resistance? Now, what nonviolence resistance ... This is why Martin Luther King was a radical and this is why he was not this kind of peaceful lover that he is portrayed as now. What he understood and 15 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University what the people understood at that point in history is that the only way that segregation was going to change is that the entire Jim Crow order had to be disrupted. Therefore, in 1963, number one, they implemented an economic boycott of the downtown area. All black people in Birmingham, 90 percent, refused to shop during the movement in Birmingham and it was during Easter season. I know that most black people in this audience would know this. I do not know how many white people know. For black people during Easter, it is second only to Christmas in terms of black people shopping. Everybody has to have a new hat and you have to have new clothes to go to church and so forth. So, then, the white business people in Birmingham expected a great deal of business during the Easter season, but black people refused to buy anything and because of all of the political uncertainties that was going on in Birmingham, white people were afraid to go downtown and shop. So, number one, the business community in Birmingham was brought to a halt. There was no money being made in Birmingham during the movement in 1963. Also, they mobilized thousands of people to march through the streets. What did this do? It did not only make a statement, but it tied those streets up. You could not have any cars, trucks or goods being delivered during this period because the city was completely tied up. One of the ways in which, of course, the power structure dealt with all of these demonstrators and agitators as they call them is that they put them in jail. Then, the movement in Birmingham had a plan for that. What if we fill the jails up and there is nowhere to put anybody else? You would still have thousands of demonstrators coming to demonstrate and the jails would be full; they were able to achieve that. My point here is that what mass, nonviolent direct action did during 16 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University this period is that it created a total crisis in places like Birmingham, in places like Selma and in other places. It brought business to a halt. It brought political activity to a halt. It created a crisis. It generated power in this sense that then the capitalists who are into making money would say, well, my goodness; this cannot go on. This cannot continue. So, then they started putting pressure on the political leaders saying you need to go talk to those folks in the movement. These leaders of the white community were now coming to the movement leaders saying what do we have to do for you all to stop all of these demonstrations and tying up business and tying up the political system. What can we do? You have to take down the signs of segregation and so on. The bottom line then is that such a crisis was created through the use of nonviolent direct action that the system them had to grant many of the demands of the movement. It is the way in which the Jim Crow order was overthrown. Because of the national and international cns1s created by the Birmingham movement, the White House concluded that they had to act. Attorney Robert F. Kennedy studied the map of the United States where pins showed trouble spots multiplying daily. One of the other things was that the Birmingham Movement was organized so magnificently that literally thousands of local movements grew up in cities all across the nation. They called themselves the Birmingham-style movements. They were styled after Birmingham. So, what you have now is the crisis that is just multiplying throughout the nation. John F. Kennedy and Robert F. Kennedy, the attorney general, ended up in the war room. They were looking. They had little pins on all this spots where protests were breaking out. So, the attorney general concluded that the federal government could no 17 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University longer run around the country like a firearm putting out brush fires. He told his brother, President John F. Kennedy, that they had to correct basic injustices. The President responded with a national address in which he explained that now the time has come for this nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city, state or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. Then, on July 2, 1964, John F. Kennedy signed the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1964 Civil Rights Act was the act that overthrew legal racial segregation. Then, of course, the 1965 confrontation in Selma was the battle that ended up causing Johnson then to introduce a Voting Rights Act and that is how black people ended up with a franchise. Now, not only did you get the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act, but you had other measures like affirmative action whose goal was to bring equality between the races. Now, what I want to do is share with you the lessons that I think can be learned from the Civil Rights Movement. The first lesson to be learned from the Civil Rights Movement is that masses of people acting collectively can generate social change. I want to speak more directly to the young people in the audience. A large portion of Civi I Rights participants were young elementary, high school and college students. Indeed, as the movement progressed, black colleges and universities became second only to the black church in terms of its role in organizing and mobilizing black people to confront the Jim Crow order. Thus, young people were crucial to change that was produced by the movement. In fact, when you study social change movements through time and across space and different nations, you realize that in most of those movements the young 18 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University people who are idealists, who believe in democratic values and who believe that change can happen generally play a very, very important role in producing change within those movements. Another lesson to be learned from this pivotal movement is that it produced real change that is often not understood by younger generations of black people. Young people, imagine being in a situation where you could not vote, where you could not use a washroom, where you could not stay in a hotel, where you could not attend most colleges and universities of this nation, where you could not defend yourself when being attacked physically by whites without risking jail and the possibility of death and where you could do nothing when your father was called boy and your mother called auntie. Imagine being shut out of decent occupations and careers simply because of the color of your skin. Young people, real change occurred. The Civil Rights Movement produced real change and it is only ignorance of history that causes one to doubt that the Civil Rights Movement made a difference. Stokely Carmichael who was one of the important student leaders of the Civil Rights Movement summed it up all metaphorically when he stated that one thing is for sure, black people would never go to the back of the bus again. At the same time, I understand why young black people erroneously believe that the Civil Rights Movement did not generate major change. It is because that movement failed to bring about complete racial equality and it also generated the fears of white backlash against racial equality that rages to this day. The current, white backlash disclosed itself in the hypercritical rhetoric of color blindness and individual right rather than group right. White backlash claimed that equality had been reached and that measures like affirmative action equaled reverse discrimination against qualified whites and generally they mean 19 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University qualified white males in their view. These whites along with some strategically black supporters (like Clarence Thomas or somebody like that) claimed that the racial playing field is now equal, but the real truth and the hard data reveals a different reality. For example, look at the recent 2000 Census Data and what you will see is some of the following. If you look at each fifth of white families, it will show that each fifth of white families earn dramatically more than each fifth of black families. For example, the lowest fifth of white families on average make 15,855 dollars a year while similar situated black families earn only 8,236 dollars a year. You have the data there. The other part of it is that it does not get any better when one examines affluent whites and affluent blacks. Indeed, the top 5 percent of white families on average earn 282,017 dollars while similarsituated black families earn only 182,373 dollars. That is a whopping difference of 100,000 dollars. Moreover, social scientists have come to realize is that wealth is an even more important indicator of racial equality than is income. Wealth consists of assets such as homeownership, stocks and bonds, annuities and the like. Wealth constitutes the resources that are passed down through generations. Wealth determines which groups of families and individuals will have superior power and resources through history. Now, if we want to be honest about it, black people were in slavery for 244 years, then, Jim Crow for another two-thirds of a century, almost another 100 years. They were not earning any assets to be passed down to generations. Even black generations of today have to start pretty much anew and that is not happening in the white community in the same way. Another fact that I think that has to be confronted is that when whites argue I did not own 20 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University any slaves; I like black people. The fact of the matter is that 244 years of free labor that produced all of these resources did give whites a great amount of wealth that has been passed down to generations to this day. What a head start, what a head start, 244 years of slavery and then three quarters of a century of Jim Crow. Then, the data is clear. At each income level, whites have 5 to 10 times greater wealth than blacks. The greatest wealth inequalities are between higher income blacks and whites. So, it gets worse as you go towards the top. So, in terms of in common wealth, the racial playing field is grossly unequal. That field is a steep incline and a slippery slope for blacks and the current rhetoric of color blindness among whites is not going to change these basic facts. I want to turn to another very serious form of racial inequality in this nation and in the state of Alabama, in particular. Record numbers of black people, especially young black people, are being locked up in the nation's jails. In the year 2000, 5,051,182 were convicted felons, that is 21 percent of all blacks and 37 percent of black men were convicted felons. Now, let us turn to the state of Alabama, because out of all states, Alabama had the 6th largest incarceration rate out of all of them in 2000. Their rate was 549 persons per 100,000 residents. What does it mean for Alabama to have such a large incarceration rate? In Alabama, felony conviction leads to political disenfranchisement. Indeed, Alabama was one of the few states that disenfranchised all forms of felons including prisoners, parolees, felony probation, jailed inmate and ex-felons. In fact, when you look at the data for Alabama and across the nation, the largest number of folk who are disenfranchised because of felony convictions are actually ex-felons, people who have paid the price but still are disenfranchised. Last year in Alabama, 111,755 African- 21 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University Americans were disenfranchised because of felony convictions. Out of the IO largest African-American disenfranchised populations, Alabama ranked 6th in the nation. Moreover, there 1s a large racial dysbaric in Alabama when it comes to felony convictions. The total disenfranchisement rate in Alabama was 6.75 percent but for average Americans that rate doubles the white rate at 13.97 percent. So, nationally, this means that Alabama had a higher rate of black disenfranchisement due to felons than 41 other states. The bottom line is this. This is not without consequence. Probably enough blacks in Alabama were disenfranchised to determine the final outcome of Gore-Bush presidential election. Now, this decision is even stronger when you consider all of the exfelons nationally who cannot vote. So, then, let me close by saying that the playing field between blacks and whites in this country and in Alabama is nowhere near equal. Income, wealth and equalities between the races remains staggering. A large disproportioned number of African-Americans languish in jails and are disenfranchised because of these convictions. A more, basic reality I think is that the Civil Rights Movement was able to destroy legal, racial segregation. That is a major accomplishment, but as you well know, America, Alabama and Huntsville for the most part are more racially segregated than during the days of the Civil Rights Movement. There is an article in your major paper here that shows that Huntsville has become more racially segregated in 2000 than it was in 1990. So, it is hard to argue that we are going in the right direction. We have flipped the script. We are headed backwards. So, I think that one of things that is very important to point out and this is true during the Civil Rights Movement, black people never 22 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University wanted integration because they wanted to be close up around whites or because they wanted to marry whites. What was clear is that in white neighborhoods there were different life chances. There were better schools. There were better services in the community. So, it was the inequality between blacks and whites that caused blacks to say, well we need racial integration. If we all live in the same neighborhoods, go to the same schools and so forth, then we could be equal. The bottom line then is that is not happening and it does not appear to be happening. Before you think that I am picking on Alabama and the South, I bet you when I read the article today in the paper about Huntsville going in the opposite direction and being more segregated now then it was a decade ago, I think you all are ranked number 61 or somewhere around in there. I bet Chicago is up around 3 or 4, but not I. So, it's a national phenomenon. It is a national phenomenon. So, I would conclude by saying that for freedom-loving people and for people who really want America to be a robust democracy because I maintain, that with staggering racial inequality where there is no equal playing field, you cannot have a robust democracy because those kinds of conditions are not congruent with the claims of the constitution. One of the most important things that the Civil Rights Movement did is that it freed a lot of white people as well as blacks because there were many white people who did not want live like that, living a lie in terms of what this country claimed to be. Therefore, it is just as incumbent upon whites as it is blacks to start thinking about how to reengage the struggle about how to bring about real equality because a social movement and change ofreal racial equality is needed today as much as it was needed 23 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University when Jim Crow held sway over most of the south and the nation. America cannot mature into a robust democracy until racial inequality is eliminated at its very roots. Q: You said that _____ were second only to the black churches immobilizing the movement? A: Yes. Q: Did the colleges publicly support these movements, like most of them were state funded, and if they did, did they lose their funding or what did they do about that? Q: The private black colleges participated a great deal more than the public ones. Whenever there was a protest at a state school, they would get a visit. They would say, tell the president. Can you stop this? If not, we have to cut your funds off. But the other thing is that many of the black students could not be controlled by the administrators. They were caught up in the movement. They were caught up in fighting for change and they went on and protested anyway. The black administrators had to say, heh boss, I cannot control them. So, yes you did have a greater amount of participation from the private ones, but you also had significant protests come out of the state schools as well. By the way, on that questions, do you know that one of the most controversial things that happened in the Birmingham Confrontation in 1963? When the movement needed all these people to go to jail or fill up the jail, King and his lieutenants made a decision that they were going to us really young children to participate in this demonstration. Now, this was very controversial. It was debated within the movement. King's lieutenants, very interestingly, had gone to all these schools in the community; I am talking about elementary schools and they had organized. So, they made the decision to use the kids and they did not tell the parents. So, these young kids were going out there confronting 24 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University Bohr Conner and so on. Now, on the other hand, the belief of the folk in the movement, especially King and other religious leaders and so forth, they always argued that God was in it. They were confident that God would protect the children. What is so interesting to me is that at the moment that it was time for the children to go and protest, the organizers came to these elementary schools and the kids would line up by the thousands. They were jumping over the school's fences and all and racing down to the 16th Street Baptist Church. At the apex of that movement, there were 3,000 really young people in the jail. So, you can imagine the degree to which the parents/adults had to get involved because they had no choice but to try protect their children at that point. Q: (inaudible) Would say that Afghanistan not only exists because of the ocean, but we live under a form of terrorism right here in this country and they are talking about righting a new constitution that all the blacks and whites get involved with rewriting this constitution and turning things around because if they have a block on the voting, a block on the schools, block on the jobs ... .it is a materialistic system. Would you agree with that. A: Well, I will put it in my own words. The way that I look at it is that I try to go back to other periods in history. We had a period in history like what we have now and that was the McCarthy period. This was a period in which there were groups across America who were organizing for change and then what was used by people who wanted to block change was to accuse all of these groups of being communists. Talking about taking rights away, do you know that Paul Roberson, who was this internationally famous actor and singer, he used his being a celebrity to go across the world saying that America was 25 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University not a democracy because of the way it was treating its own black citizens. Do you know that because of the McCarthy activity and because of communism, they took away Paul Roberson's passport so he could not travel for over a decade. They did not only take his away. They took away W.B. Dubois because W.B. Dubois was traveling across the world doing that thing. So, they took these passports. What my point is here is that with Americans, many of us know in our heart, when you start talking about taking away constitutional, guaranteed freedom, that you are truly on a slippery slope. We also know that black people feel it most intensely because we know that we will pay far more dearly than others. So, I would certainly agree that the treatment of people of color in this society to a certain extent can dictate how we see people of color around the world. That is one of the reasons why I argue that it is so critical that we get over this race problem. When I say get over the race problem, I want to be clear; I do not mean to hold hands and sing, We Shall Overcome. Until the structures of inequality, income inequalities, public inequalities, educational inequalities .... Until those structures of inequality ____ are , there is no reason for us to suspect that we are going to get along together in some form of racial harmony. Think about this. If it took almost 40 years ... If you have structures of control and structures of this _____ that lasted for 40 years, what would you really have to do to change those? They are deep. They are well intrenched and so it would take a lot. Coming back to my brother over here, I would say that there are some real serious problems confronting this country in terms of race but not only race. There is another serious thing going on. When we talk about racial inequality, look at class in equality. Inequality between well-off Americans and poor Americans or even 26 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University working class Americans; I do not care what color they are, those inequalities have increased drastically very significantly. So, one of the things about the black movement and one importance in this country historically, it has always been a broad-based freedom movement and it allows other people who want a democracy to get involved. That is why when we look at the Civil Rights Movement and think about it and what it did, it generated the Women's Movement. It generated the Environmental Movement. It generated the Disability's Movement. It generated the Farm Worker's Movement and there are a lot of other movements I can mention. Its because the black movement has always reached at and really tried to push to be a robust democracy and really reach out embrace what is claimed in the constitution. That is why King said, we are just trying to make the country live up to what it claims to be on paper. So, we are in a serious situation here. Q: With the trend going backwards, do you think that reparations can help out to heal some of these wounds or do you think that it would farther divide us or do you think it has some kind of a place in the movement today. A: I think that reparations should be seriously debated and considered in America. I think that one of the reasons why America walked out of the conference in South Africa was not so much because of the Palestinian/Israeli conflict. I think that all of these countries from across the world was going to come to America and come to Europe and say, look, here is what has happened, here is why America is a rich nation because of its engagement in the slave trade and because of all of these centuries of slavery and here is why Europe is such a strong power because of its role in the same dirty business. If we 27 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University want to go on a new path, we have to try to correct some of these inequalities and these centuries of oppression. So, my position about reparations is that I think that everything now ought to be put on the table for discussion. I think as I mentioned in my talk, I believe that if we were dealing with a situation in which whites in this society or any other privilege group had really, really earned everything fair and square or if they are really where they are simply because they worked hard and not because of 250 years of free labor and not because of75 years of Jim Crow (if that were true) then blacks should not be talking about no reparations, but it is not true. If blacks are forever locked behind because of the history of this country and the racist practices of this country, the question really then is how do we go about changing that? How do we do it? Do we just say, well you know, everybody pull themselves up by their own bootstraps now. We are all equal now and we know that is not true. So, yes, I think that reparations is something that ought to be fiercely considered. It ought to be debated and discussed like any other proposed measure. There are all kinds of complexities and all of that. A lawyer once told me that just because something is complex to implement does not mean that it should not be seriously considered if questions of justice are involved. Everybody still like me okay? A: Yes. Q: I want to ask the question about disenfranchisement. ls that possible to be disenfranchised for us? I have heard that we have the right to vote upon every so many years, is that true? A: I am not an expert on exactly how that happens. I do know that the Civil Rights Act was something that was suppose to be put in place for a limited amount of time until the 28 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University goal had been accomplished and then it would be revoted on. I have noticed that has happened in the past, so there may very well be additional times that it would have to come up for another vote and so forth so. In other words, I do not think that the Voting Rights Act is suppose to exist in perpetuity. I do not think that is the way it is on the book. Q: Will disenfranchisement take place in the black community because the 1965 Civil Rights Act is no longer in the book. A: I am not sure that follows. I think number one that most black people who vote and who recognize the responsibility to vote and what we had to pay to get it, they are not about to give it up for any reason. I think that you know that we have a far more serious problem; I would not say more serious, but equally serious problem and that is a lot of our people are not being educated for exercising the franchising and recognizing they got it through people making all kinds of sacrifices and so forth. Q: Dr. Morris. Thank you very much for your speech. I have been trying (inaudible) 1 cannot find a measuring yard to measure your progress, because we have the rights and nobody would touch that. The females have the rights and nobody can mess with them. A young girl can work here with their tops on with their small bikini and you cannot even touch her, even if you want to, but every time blacks are given their rights the government has a way with a lawyer to circumvent that right. What is the cause of racism? I will give you the cause, if you want a debate, but how do you as a people find the cause of racism that you cannot stop. I do not see any end to this. So, if (inaudible) 29 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University and nobody would mess with her when she comes around here. (inaudible) and nobody debates that? A: I got your point, I think. One of my replies would be this is a little side issue. What I think he was asking me is that how do you measure progress on the racial front and how can you be sure that you progress when the rights that you won can be easily taken. I think he was also saying that when you look at gender inequality, it seems to be a little less complexed and that the rules are clear about what you can and cannot do, specifically the women. My sidebar is to say that gender inequality (inequality between men and women) is that it remains a fundamental form of inequality in America society. Secondly, the black community is the one that can afford gender inequality the least because when you look at the degree of family that are headed by black women by themselves, we need to fight like hell to make sure that they can get decent jobs and decent pay. Not only that, because of the historical burden that has been thrust on the black community, black men and women need to be equal to be able to carry forth the struggle. So, I want to say that about gender inequality. Another major form of inequality is that if America is to be what it aspires to be, it is a form that needs to be eliminated. Now, let me go back to what 1 think is the crust of this question and that is how do you measure racial progress in this society and can it be easily taken? I think that as I said in my talk there has been racial progress in this society. Before the Civil Rights Movement, if you were a middle class black, you were a teacher; you were a preacher; you were .a mortician or you were an attorney or doctor. It was a small, tiny black middle class. Less than a tenth of the workforce could be classified as black middle class prior to the Civil Rights Movement. 30 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University Now, a third of the black population can be counted as part of the black middle class and that is because that movement was able to open up doors of opportunity that had been previously closed in the schools and in the workplace itself. So, it would be foolhardy I think to not understand the progress that has been made because when you understand the progress that has been made, then you understand that you have something to build on. Now, the other part of it is yes. The gains are always under assault and what that means is that the struggle must always be vigilant to make sure that they are not reversed. Not only that, of course, you make sure that you lay the groundwork to move ahead into progress beyond what you have already received. It is a dual fight always. Protect what you got and push forward. That has been our history in this society, this country. Q: Dr. Morris you spoke of a disparity in the numbers of African-Americans and whites being sentenced but I would like to ask a question. What do you think is a possible solution to alleviate that? With the disparity in the way the sentencing occurs because it has been proven over time definitely that blacks receive harsher convictions in comparison to white counterparts. What are possible solutions to alleviate this and make it a fair conviction across the board versus one being greater than the other? A: Well, you certainly referred to a very, very complex problem in this society. We know that justice in America is highly correlated with the amount of resources that you have. If you have a lot of money and you can get good lawyers and you can get good experts, witnesses and so forth, you have a much greater chance of being released and not convicted. On one hand, I think what we have to do is recognize that there is this complicated relationship always between race and class and so a big part of the problem 31 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University is that large numbers of black people who are incarcerated and who are convicted are also poor. So, we have to deal with this whole issue of economics, unemployment and the work and poor. So, that is a big part of it. Another part of it, of course, is that the criminal justice system in America has been racist. One of things that is going on right now in Illinois is that our governor (and he is a Republican) was courageous enough to declare a motorium on death ____ in Illinois. Now, what is so interesting here is that there has been about at least IO different cases now of black men on death row. Most of them have been accused of raping white women and other very, very serious crimes. Thank God for DNA. Over the last year, I have not counted them all, but I can tell you that at least 20 black men have been released from death row for false convictions. What we also know from this and what we are learning from this is that many times the convictions were beaten out of them by racist white cops and so forth. It is just a fact and so here again is a situation in which the criminal justice system has to be studied, examined and challenged. By the way, one of the reasons why you have a large rate in the prison population, especially amongst African-Americans is drug convictions. There are those who argue that most of these people need help. They need rehabilitation, not to be thrown away and locked in jail where they become hardened criminals and then released and reek havoc on the society. So, yes, I would just say that we clearly have a criminal justice system with some serious, serious racial biases in it and it is getting innocent people killed and forcing folk to stay in jail far longer than they should and as a result also being politically disenfranchised. 32 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University Q: It is really not a question. It is more of responding to the issue raised about disenfranchisement. The Voting Rights Act is periodically comes up for renewal. If it is th not renewed, though, blacks will not lose their right to vote. Remember the 15 Amendment is the thing that gave blacks the right to vote. So, until that amendment is appealed blacks will always have the right to vote. What the Voting Rights Act does is that it gives the federal government the authority to come in and enforce the 15th Amendment. If the Voting Rights Act is not renewed, then that power will also removed. So, I just wanted to clear that up. A: What I am concerned about is if we all have the right to vote but we do not vote because we are discouraged or something .. .I hear information all the time that people are just not voting. In fact, middle class and low class people (poor people) have got to realize that they have power if they use it, the power of their vote and they should not be discouraged. They should get together and begin to use that power. Now, the United States is becoming ruled by corporations, but I know that there is not a senator anywhere or representative that cannot be voted out of office if you do not like what they are doing by numbers. I wish to goodness that people would realize that, particularly young people. So, let us get together, all of us, and vote some of these ridiculous laws and actions by the federal government out. A: What I would say to that is that of course I agree with this, but I would also add that often you vote one group of scoundrels out and another group in. The real problem is that many people choose not to vote I think because they went and they voted and they thought that some real change was going to come and it was at this that is made no 33 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University difference. When you think about my argument about the playing field is not level... Think about this. One of the most (I do not think that anybody would disagree with me) important bodies in the federal government is the senate. There is not one black senator and it does not concern many folks, no big thing. I think that part of what has happened in this country is that we just have turned our heads away now. I look at all of the major talk shows like CNN and The Today Show and Good Morning, America, and all that. I do not see any diverse group of people discussing issues. For the most part, 1 have never really seen any serious black journalists or anybody on discussing any issues; so, it is becoming a very narrow dialogue, a very closed kind of community. Finally, about the importance of the vote, a democracy is not just about the vote. It is about informed citizens organizing themselves and engaging in relentless participation in struggle to make the country a democracy. So, I think we have to keep that part in mind. Lastly, I want to thank you for listening to me tonight. I want to say that in these sort of talks, I wonder about them later because I know that part of what I got to say is not meant to bring any peace, no feel good. I think that as an individual I hate to be the bringer of bad ___ ; I really do. I would rather for everybody to say, boy, that Dr. Morris is a real cool guy. I love him, but I know I have a higher calling as an academic and as somebody who studies these things. If I said anything to spur you all to think deep about, even if you completely disagree with me, even if you read the data that I have tried to talk to you about differently, I only ask please let us think about what is happening in America today. Thank you. 34 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 Relation A related resource <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/resources/21" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">View the Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 finding aid in ArchivesSpace</a> Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context uah_civr_000026 Title A name given to the resource Digitized transcription of VHS tape of "The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama (A Look Back and a Look Ahead)". Description An account of the resource Aldon Morris is the speaker in this lecture given at Alabama A&M University. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Alabama A & M University University of Alabama in Huntsville Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections, Huntsville, Alabama Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2001-12-04 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 2000-2009 Subject The topic of the resource Morris, Aldon D., 1949- Civil rights movements--Southern states--History--20th century Alabama (Ala.) Segregation African Americans--Legal status, laws, etc. Civil rights demonstrations Type The nature or genre of the resource Lectures Text Transcript Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Print Has Format A related resource that is substantially the same as the pre-existing described resource, but in another format. Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/archival_objects/406">VHS Tape of: The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama (A Look Back and a Look Ahead) - Speaker: Aldon Morris, 2001-12-04. Box 2, Tape 12</a> University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections, Huntsville, Alabama Language A language of the resource en Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 34 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/archival_objects/394">The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama (a Look Back and a Look Ahead) - Speaker Aldon Morris - Transcription of Tape 12, 2003 Box 1, File 13</a> University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives, Special Collections, and Digital Initiatives, Huntsville, Alabama https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/32/13353/TheCaseofMobile_Tape11_File12.pdf f55aa63696eda755236f8a697a7ca1d1 PDF Text Text The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University The Case of Mobile Speakers: Janet Owens LeFlore, Burton R. LeFlore, O.B. Purifoy Tonight's program, The Case of Mobile, is the next to the last program in this fourteen weeks' series, which started on August 30, 2001. Really, this has been a fantastic series; it has been well received and supported by you who have attended these weekly symposiums. And really, it is because of your support that this series has been a success. So I would like for all of you to give yourselves a hand. Some of you have attended all of the programs, others have attended all but one or two. Some attended as many as possible, but we want to express our appreciation for all who attended any of the programs; so again, we say thank you for not only being here tonight but for staying with us throughout the entire thirteen weeks. Well, it will be thirteen weeks next Tuesday, which will be the last program. We certainly deeply appreciate your support in coming out. We also want to express our appreciation to the planning committee. I am not going to indicate who the planning committee is tonight because I think all of you who have been here each night, I think you know who the planning committee is by now. But, we certainly want to express our appreciation to the planning committee. If those on the planning committee want to stand and take a bow, please feel free to do so. We also want to express our appreciation to others who have aided in weekly preparation. What I mean by that is those who have provided the refreshments and those who have helped to set up the chairs, certainly at A&M' s campus because that is what we have had to do, whether we have been here at the multipurpose room or whether we have been over at the Knight �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University Reception Center. Those who helped set the chairs up, those who helped to man the doors, hand out brochures and program evaluations and also those who helped to man the PA system during the question and answer period, I would like for you to at least give them a hand as well. Because of protocol, I will acknowledge the sponsors. Please bear with me 111 indicating that those who helped to make this entire series were as follows in terms of funding: The Alabama Humanities Foundation; a state program of the National Endowment of the Humanities; Senator Hank Sanders; the Huntsville Times; DESE Research, Inc; Mevatec, Inc; Alabama representative, Laura Hall; Alabama A&M University Office of the President, Office of the Provost; the State Black Archives Research Center and Museum; Title III Telecommunication and Distance Learning. Of course, we have acknowledged the terrific role that they have played in videotaping these programs each night and so we certainly express our appreciation to them. In addition, we express thanks also the Office of Student Affairs and the Honor Center at Alabama A&M, in addition to the Sociology and Social Work, History and Political Science. At the University of Alabama in Huntsville: The Office of the President; Office of the Provost; History Forum/Bankhead Foundation; Sociology/Social Issues Symposium; Humanities Center; Division of Continuing Education; Honors Program; Office of Multicultural Affairs; Office of Student Affairs; UAH Copy Center. And so, we are certainly thankful to them for the contribution that they have made in terms of the financial support that they have given. I want to simply mention that next week's program, of course, is the last program. If you have paid attention to your brochures, you 2 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University will notice that that program is scheduled for December 4, which is on Tuesday, not Thursday, Tuesday, and it will be in the same location here on the campus of Alabama A&M University. That is, in the multipurpose room which is also now called the Clyde Foster Multipurpose Room. So if you happen to see that, it's the same place. Do not become confused by that. And then, of course, tonight's program is The Case of Mobile and I will ask Dr. Jack Ellis to come and introduce the presenters, those who will be taking part in the panel and provide the context for the program. Jack Ellis: I want to add to what Professor Johnson has just said in extending my appreciation to those of you who have attended so many of these wonderful symposiums and I especially want to commend the students from Decatur. Somehow, I think you have been here almost every night if memory serves me right. This is something because tonight when I saw flooding streets and tornado alerts, I thought to myself, "I know one group that I'm sure is going to be there, it's those Decatur students." Some day, I think that you probably know by now the magnitude of heroes that you have seen over the last thirteen to fourteen weeks. I think that some day in your old age you will think back to these times and these are ordinary people that we have seen, including those that are on our stage tonight and so we are just thrilled to have you here. This fall's series on the Civil Rights Movement in Alabama has revealed a number of patterns that mark the campaign for justice and equality here in our own state. One is the rich diversity of events occurring within Alabama's different regions and cities. As we saw in the example of Huntsville, these events were not simply the faint echoes of a recurring drama played out by Dr. King and the SCLC, which some 3 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University historians regard as the almost mythical core narrative of the movement. Rather, they bore the imprint of local circumstances and local conditions reflecting longstanding race relations, economic forces and political traditions. Another is the sheer longevity of the movement as was evident in last week's presentation on CG Gomillion and the Tuskegee Civic Association which had been going on long before the Montgomery Bus Boycott. Put another way, what happened in Tuskegee, Montgomery, Huntsville, Birmingham and so on during the l 950's and l 960's represented the culmination of decades of struggle and revealed a powerful and enduring local culture that African-Americans had managed to sustain within their own communities over years of oppression. These things are clearly illustrated in the case of Coastal and Catholic Mobile, the state's oldest and second largest city; it's only seaport in the city where the very notion of race itself defies easy definition. It was nevertheless a segregated city, one that had known its share of racial violence. An example (and this is something that my colleague, Professor Williamson, has been working on for years) was the riot that took place in May 1943 in the yards of the Alabama Dry Dock and Shipbuilding Company which was under federal contract at the time to build ships for the war effort. An attempt was made to allow black workers to move from menial jobs to positions as welders and shipbuilders and this provoked a violent response on the part of white workers, most of these coming from the rural areas of Alabama and Mississippi. Over 100 black workers were injured in the 1943 riots and peace returned only when the government sent in troops from nearby Brookley Air Force Base. Although African-Americans made up 36 percent of Mobile's population in 1950, they were still being denied access to education and jobs generally 4 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University not shared in the cities post-World War II boom. Yet, during the 1960's, Mobile witnessed none of the confrontational tactics occurring in the streets of Birmingham and Selma. The historian, ______ , author of a book on the Civil Rights Movement in Mobile, which is scheduled to be published by the University of Alabama Press, points out that Mobile was the only large city in the state during the l 960's that did not have a major civil rights demonstration. She attributes this fact primarily to the leadership of two people, both of whom typified in her words, "The new deal influence liberal alliance in the south forged during the 1930's." One of these individuals was Joseph Langan who had grown up in an Irish Catholic family that lived in a racially mixed neighborhood of Mobile. He had risen to statewide prominence after winning a seat in the Alabama legislature in 1939. Following military service in World War II, which served to deepen his understanding of the injustices faced by black people everywhere, Langan returned to Mobile and resumed his political career winning a seat in the Alabama senate and then in 1953 one of three seats on the Mobile City Commission. Until his defeat in 1969 during the black power insurgency associated with a new group calling itself the Neighborhood Organization Workers of Mobile, or NOW, which denied him the support he had long enjoyed in the black community. Langan stood as a remarkable visionary among Alabama's white politicians, a rare and eloquent voice for reason and reconciliation in matters of race. The second was an African-American postal worker named John L. Leflore, born in Mobile in 1903. The son of a laborer, Leflore passed the Post Office Civil Service examination in 1922 and became a letter carrier. He was one of the few blacks to be 5 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University allowed to take the Civil Service examinations m the 1920's and 1930's. The job provided him with a measure of protection against economic reprisals during his later career, a distinct advantage for one who even as a young man had proved capable of defending himself in personal encounters with racism, something I was discussing with his grandson at lunch today. In 1926, LeFlore reorganized the defunct Mobile branch of the NAACP and during the administration of Governor Bibb Graves, between 1926 and 1930, became one of the state's most visible civil rights activists. Until 1956, when attorney general John Patterson outlawed the NAACP in Alabama, LeFlore served as executive secretary of the Mobile branch and though he countered Patterson's action by creating the Non partisan Voters League, which you are going to hear about tonight, he continued his affiliation with the NAACP which was later legalized once again in the 1960's. Now working through the NAACP during the 1930's and 1940's, Leflore fought numerous battles on behalf of African-Americans, things that we need to remember today. In court, he challenged the railroads in the matter of equal pay for black brakemen and firemen and fought both the railroads and the railroad unions when they failed to protect the seniority of black workers. He defended the cause of black seaman on ships sailing in and out of Mobile Bay, including their right to stay in integrated hotels while in port. He especially denounced the multitude of lynchings occurring in Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana after World War II, carrying out onsite and often dangerous investigations and publicizing the failure of local police authorities and the FBI to find the killers, as in the case of the black veteran such as George Dorsey, who was murdered along with three others outside Monroe, Georgia in the year 1946. In alliance with white 6 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University liberals, LeFlore labored tirelessly during the late l 940's and l 950's to expand voting rights for African-Americans, to increase job opportunities in shipbuilding and in such federal establishments as the Post Office and Brookley Air Force Base. In addition, he won a major victory in persuading the Mobile County School Board to equalize the salaries of black and white teachers. LeFlore's was truly a remarkable life and has been featured in an excellent film produced by Public Television in the Mobile County public schools entitled "A Quiet Revolution." The John Leflore legacy is our own focus tonight and before introducing our guests, I would like to mention two or three other people who wanted to be with us but who were unable to do so. One of these is former Mayor Langan, who is now 90 years old, still articulate, still eager to talk about his life, but following a recent bout with illness, simply was unable to make the trip up to Huntsville. The same is true for Mr. J.C. Randolph who is the former treasurer of the Nonpartisan Voters League. He told me he is now 88 years old, but he expressed his regrets with a wish that I convey this message to the young people in the audience and so here it is, "Don't relinquish what we have already accomplished but nurture it and build upon it. I have carried the torch as far as I can and pass it on to you, confident that you will go forth." So that is Mr. Randolph's message to the young people tonight. Finally, I note with sadness the absence tonight of Dr. Walker B. Leflore who passed away in October. Dr. Walker Leflore was a Mobile native who decided to study medicine during his student years at St. Augustine College, which is a private Episcopal school in Raleigh, North Carolina, 7 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University where he also met his future wife, Janet E. Owens. He received his medical degree at Meharry and practiced many years in Mobile until his death. In a tape interview that I did with him at his medical clinic in October of 1988, Dr. LeFlore recounted with pride his parents' influence on his life, which he said had always shaped his own practice of medicine. We are honored in having as our guests Dr. LeFlore's wife, Janet Owens Leflore and their son, Burton Leflore. They will discuss their own unique perspectives of John LeFlore's career and we hope that our efforts tonight will stand as fitting tribute to the memory of his son, Dr. Walker B. LeFlore. Born in Wilmington, North Carolina, Janet Owens LeFlore received her undergraduate degree from St. Augustine and for several years thereafter taught chemistry and algebra in the schools of Mobile, Wilmington and Atlanta. She began work on her Masters Degree in chemistry at Atlanta University and while her husband was finishing his medical degree at Meharry, completed her Masters at Fisk, teaching and doing research in infraredspectography. She continued her research at Smith, Kline and French Research Industries and then taught chemistry at Bishop State Community College after she and Dr. Leflore returned to Mobile in 1965. From that point forward, and despite fulltime duties as a mother and chemistry teacher, Janet Owens LeFlore became deeply involved in the community activities of her father-in-law, assisting him in a multitude of tasks, from correspondence and proofreading to scheduling. She was thus an eyewitness to remarkable civil rights careers in the 20th century. Those of you who have seen the film, "A Quiet Revolution," will recall her own detailed and insightful recollection of John LeFlore's life and work. 8 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University We are also honored to have Burton Leflore who will also share personal memories as well as insights that he has gained in studying and now writing about his grandfather's life. Mr. Leflore graduated from a Mobile High School that only recently has been named in his grandfather's honor. From there, and while working part-time on the Mobile Press Register, he went on to earn a Bachelors Degree at the University of South Alabama and then completed his law studies at Florida State in 1997. He has taught business law at the University of North Carolina in Wilmington where he served as visiting professor and he stayed active there as well as active as president of the family real estate business in Mobile. Added to these achievements, a film study at NYU film school, and he is presently owner of a company called Film at Work, which produces films and videos for global distribution. Finally, we welcome Mr. O.B. Purifoy, one of the veterans of the civil rights struggles in Mobile who took an active role in the Nonpartisan Voters League as executive secretary and second vice president and is among those featured in this very powerful film, "A Quiet Revolution." Born in Andalusia, Alabama in 1914, Mr. Purifoy studied Business Management at Alabama State in Montgomery before entering the army during World War II. After serving in Europe and the Philippines, he returned to Andalusia to open an insurance firm, later moving to Dothan, before finally settling in Mobile in 1947. Mr. Purifoy was one of John LeFlore's closest collaborators and he will share with us tonight also some of his memories of that experience. We're going to start with Burton LeFlore who is going to spend a few minutes talking about his own work and recollections of the life of John LeFlore. Afterwards, Mrs. Leflore and Mr. Purifoy will 9 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University offer some comments and recollections along the same line and then we're going to open this up to informal discussion and questions from the floor. Please join me in extending a very warm welcome to our guests tonight. Burton LeFlore: How is everyone doing this evening. I would just like to thank, first of all, all of you for coming out tonight, I mean with all this rain and everything. I know this was just a good evening just to kind of call it quits and go home and just watch some television and lay down, but I thank you all for being here. I would also like to thank Dr. Jack Ellis and Dr. James Johnson for having us here in response from this symposium tonight. Once again, I am just honored to be here. I guess another reason why I am certainly happy that everyone came out tonight is because am I am here tonight to honor my grandfather and discuss his legacy and some of his work, there is also a new generation waiting to be born. I have a newborn on the way and I sort of risked missing the birth of my newborn to be here tonight, so I would have been really upset if no one would have shown up. I hope I will be able to get back in time for that. I am going to talk a little but briefly about growing up with John Leflore as a grandfather and then I want to discuss a little bit about some of his work. Obviously, I will not be able to get into everything in the amount of time that I have. Dr. Ellis has mentioned a number of things, but growing up as his grandson was rather uneventful. He was a good grandfather. We spent a lot of time together, but as a child I was not aware of who he was. I was not aware of the things that he had been involved in or things he had done. He was just granddaddy to me. I did not know he had even been a Civil Rights activist. I believed at that time, when I was born, I think that was near the time when he retired from the postal service, 10 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University so he was basically retired. He was working very closely with the Non-Partisan Voters League at that time. We spent a lot of time together and my recollections with him are very vivid. My grandfather passed away in 1976 and I was about IO years old. I think I was about in the 5th grade then. So, I was lucky enough to have been old enough to have formed a relationship with him and to have gotten to know him. He was just a very humble person. He was a very kind person. He was very kind to me. He spent a lot of time. He took me to church. Now, he belonged to a Baptist church, but the church that we would normally go to was a church called the Unitarian Fellowship. The Unitarian Fellowship was more or a less the church where people went and there was some spiritualism going on. There was also a an open forum for many of those individuals to get up and talk about the various things that were going on in the community and state, nationally, etc. I think that is why he enjoyed that particular church because obviously he was very attuned to what was going on during that time. He was also very interested in knowing what other people thought about what was going on, and not just the AfricanAmerican people but the entire community of Mobile as well. Unitarian Fellowship was a nondenominational, racially integrated church. So, I remember those Sundays going to church with him very vivid. I remember that he was a night owl. He stayed up late at night sometimes a lot and maybe I have inherited that from him. He was a night owl and I remember some nights he would come in and he would be hungry. He would eat a little midnight snack and he would watch a little television. I remember he loved cottage cheese and I hate cottage cheese. That was another very vivid memory of mine the fact that he always ate cottage cheese and of course my grandmother was the homemaker. She 11 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University was a very good cook. She cooked just about every day but on Fridays she would always cook gumbo. She would always cook gumbo and she would always have fish, mashed potatoes, vinegar and (what do you call that) cucumbers ... vinegar and cucumbers. I remember having those Friday evening dinners with my grandfather, my mother and my father and my brother and that was always a lot of fun. Of course, now, as far as his involvement in certain things ... Now, there are several things I think were very prevalent in my mind where my grandfather is concerned and of course, one was the fact that there house was bombed in 1967. At that time, I do not have any recollection of the house being bombed. I do not have any recollection of the old house, but I do remember my grandfather coming and staying with us for about 6 months or so while they were reconstructing the house. I think my grandmother went and stayed with their next door neighbor at some point or something like that. The biggest recollection of the house being bombed was the fact that at some point or another I realized, gee, there house was bombed and there are actually pictures in books of them standing out in front of the house after the bombing. First, the anger that I felt and thinking was gee, someone actually tried to kill my grandparents, these innocent people here. Then, the other the thing that really infuriated me was the fact that I could have been there. If my mother had dropped me off over there that night, I might not be standing here today and that was the very infuriating thing I think which has caused me a lot of thought. It reminds me very much of those four girls who died in the Birmingham Church bombing. Of course, luckily, neither one of my grandparents passed away in that bombing and of course I was not there, so that was great. That has always been something that has bothered me over the years. Another thing 12 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University that I remember about my grandfather was the Non-Partisan Voters League meeting. Now, I never knew what was going on in these meetings. I never knew what was being discussed in these meetings. Mr. Purifoy could probably attest to this. Probably, the gist of it was that I was just a teenager and I was being so bad and so obnoxious. People were probably sitting around thinking, why does, you know, he not quiet this kid down. Why does he not tell this kid to sit down? No one ever said anything. So, at that point, I think I started to realize that some of these people had a little respect for my grandfather because obviously they put up with my obnoxious behavior. Now, the final recollection, of course, was when he ran for the House of Representatives and that was a big thing. My recollection of that was I really did not (once again) know, understand or appreciate the extent of his commitment to Civil Rights or the extent of his commitment to serving humanity. That was a pretty big event and when he won we were obviously very proud of him at that time. Then, of course, I attended John Leflore High School, which was named after my grandfather. At that point, I think I started to realize, you know, gee, well, it looks like granddad was a pretty heavy hitter around here. You know he actually had a whole high school named after him. That is a pretty big accomplishment here. In many senses, I am very proud to have been part of his legacy. I am very proud to have been his grandson and very proud of him, but also being his grandson has been a doubleedge sword. It has been a benefit in many ways and it has been a detriment in many ways, but I think the benefits have certainly outweighed the detriments. Now, as far as his works and achievements, first of all, his childhood is very interesting and his development as a child. He was born in 1904 or 1903. His father 13 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University passed away when he was about 9 months old, so he was basically raised by his mother and by his older siblings. Now, his mother was a very industrious lady. She had a gumbo fillet business and she made fillet for gumbo. The interesting thing about how he grew up and the interesting thing about his family life as a child was that she required all the children to work. They all had to work. They all had to hold down jobs and they all had to bring their money back to help support the family. So, my grandfather from the time he was four or five years old he held down a job; he worked, you know, literally as much as he could when he was not in school. He sold newspapers. I think one gentleman that was a friend of his once told me that they use to go down to Brookley Field and they would dive for golf balls. If they got a bucket full, they got like 50 cents or a dime or something. They would actually dive into the lake and fish these golf balls out of the lake and that was sort of recreational for them, but they also got paid for it. Basically, his early childhood was characterized by work and I think that sort of helped instill his work ethic. I think the turning point in my grandfather's life was when he was about 17 years old, right after he graduated from high school. He was on a street cart in Mobile and at that time there were Jim Crow street carts and he was asked to move by a man who had gotten on to the street cart and he refused to move. At that point, there was an altercation between the two gentleman and obviously my grandfather was arrested. I think that was the turning point in his life. I think that maybe from his childhood experiences, having had to work so much as a young child and having not really grown up with his father around, that maybe had something to do with his development in terms of him wanting to become an activist. I think that was the turning point for him. I think that was when he 14 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University realized that he wanted to spend a large majority of his life working to try to change some of the inequities in society. Now, I believe in 1923 he married my grandmother, Teah Leflore, which brings us to the first major portion of his work which was trying to integrate or desegregate the national railroad system in the Pullman cars. Based on my research, understanding and knowledge of this early part of his life, I think that is when he and my grandmother got married. They took a honeymoon trip to St. Louis. Obviously, at that point, I think this was his first exposure not only to the segregation but to the Jim Crow situations on those railroad carts. Obviously, he was obviously incensed about the segregation on the street carts in the city of Mobile, he saw this as an opportunity, his first opportunity to try to change and to try to start working towards bringing about some type of social change. That was of course one of the first things that he began to work on and ultimately he was successful. He may not have been given much credit for it but he and other members of the NAACP at that time were probably some of the foremost fighters in terms of trying to change the national railroad system at that time. Now, around 1925 or 1926, he founded the Mobile branch of the NAACP. Of course, as many of you may know, at that particular time, that was a very unpopular thing to be talking about. As a group of activists or a group of people who wanted to try and accomplish something in their communities or in the state, certainly, I think there was a great deal of fear. I think they were more or less in a situation where it was like, well, what are we going to do; are we going to try and do something about this or are we just going to kind of sit down and just let these things go on that we feel are wrong? Of 15 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University course, I think that was also part of my grandfather's whole philosophy in terms of the fact. He was a very quiet person. He was not a Malcolm X. He was not a Martin Luther King. He was not a Medgar Evers. He was not someone who was willing to go out in the streets and march. He was not someone willing to speak publicly in an open form. I mean, he spoke publicly quite frequently, but he would never put himself in a position where he felt like he might be in danger. There were death threats made on his life quite frequently. As a matter of fact, one of the things that my father has really ever told me about my grandfather was the fact that he use to go down and check my grandfather's mail for him. He would go down during World War II or World War I. I believe it was World War I. He would go down during World War I and there would be postcards in his mailbox. He would pull the mail out and there would be a statement in there about something to the effect of like, nigger, we are going to get you after the big one's through. My father was very adamant about not being involved in politics at all. He wanted nothing to do with politics. He wanted nothing to do with activists. He wanted nothing to do with any of that stuff. I think while that stemmed from his having grown up with John LeFlore and grown up as John LeFlore's son. Many of his thoughts and recollections of my grandfather were basically that I was just worried they were just going to kill the guy. One day, he was just going to leave for work and just was not going to come home, like many of those people did in the September 11th bombing of the World Trade Center. That was his fear. He lived with a lot of fear during the early part of his life. I think fear that his father was either going to be killed or that his father was going to lose his job and what was his family going to do at that point because my grandmother 16 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University was the homemaker. Those are really the main things that my father use to talk about to me. He never really talked about the things that John Leflore was involved or anything. He just really talked about those fears that his father was going to be killed and the fears that his father would be fired from his job. Those were his main concerns at that time. During the l 940's and l 950's, John LeFlore focused a lot of his time and attention on voting rights. Voting Rights became very important. He was very active and certainly as a postal worker and a federal employee. He was not suppose to get involved in many of these issues. He was accused at one point of violating the Hatch Act. Of course, that was another instance where the postal service kind of came down on him and he was censored and reprimanded for having been involved in some of these activities. He never wavered. He never faltered. He hung in there. He was always active during the early l 920's and the l 940's, in terms of trying to change a lot of things that were going on in the postal system, various segregated bathrooms. He was very active about trying to desegregate the bathrooms, the lunch counters, the eating areas and the fact that Black postal workers were not allowed to at that time to work as clerks. He was very active in trying to encourage the postal services not only locally but nationally to promote minorities into more responsible positions other then letter carriers. Certainly, as we see now today, that has occurred. The interesting thing about his marriage to Teah is that during the early l 920's Teah's father was also a postman. I think he was attracted to Teah, but I think he also wanted to get in good with her father because he saw this as sort of a dual opportunity. He was going to get the girl and he was going to get the job too; that was his whole goal. 17 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University I guess he figured, you know, if he could get the job at the post service, which was a pretty good job for a minority at that time, (which is still a pretty good job for anyone at this particular time) he was going to get the girl and he was going to get the job. I think he wanted to endear himself to my grandmother's father at that point to sort of accomplish that dual goal. Obviously, this man had the inroads to the girl and to the job. Sorry, I am skipping around a little bit, but we are moving back into the l 940's and l 950's. Now, another thing of course (I will not have time to talk about every little thing that he was involved in, but I just want to try and talk about some of the noteworthy or some of the more important things) was the bus segregation. In Mobile, the bus system was integrated or desegregated during about 1956 or 1957, which many of you know that was way before Rosa Parks in Montgomery and the Bus Boycott in Montgomery. They did it peaceful in Mobile. They did it peacefully and basically my grandfather and local politicians like Joe Langan got together and said, look, we got to do something about this; what are we going to do? So, there strategy and there program was look, what we are going to do is ... We are going to have a black man get on the bus and he is going to sit in the front of the bus and he is going to be arrested. Once he is arrested, we are going to go to court and we are going to have this city ordinance invalidated and that was it. It was all planned. There was no impromptu action here. This was all orchestrated by these organizations, by the NAACP, by the city counsel and by the mayor. It was all orchestrated. It was all planned. It was all scripted. They had it all planned out and basically I think it was probably one of the smoothest procedures that any city in 18 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University Alabama had experienced in terms of desegregating the bus system. Once again, this was in 1956. Another thing, of course, he did a lot during the 1940's and 1950's was investigate a lot of lynches during the 1940's and 1950's. There were lynches in Mississippi that he investigated. There were lynches in Georgia that he investigated and what they would do .. .I have two little interesting stories regarding the lynches. One story I got to tell you is the story about his older brother, George Leflore. George had just gotten a divorce and he was living with my grandmother and grandfather at the time. I believe this was the Munroe, Georgia lynching he was about to investigate. My grandfather was leaving the house to go and investigate this lynching. His brother George (who was perhaps a little less interested in being involved in the Civil Rights Movement, risking his life or getting deeply intrenched or even remotely intrenched in any of the things that were going on at that time) said to him, you are crazy; you are an absolute fool; there is no way that you are going to go up to Munroe, Georgia after this lynching and ride your black self into that county and investigate a lynching. Because when you get there, as soon as they see you drive across the county line, you are going to be the next person lynched. He said, you are not going, as a big brother to a little brother; there is no way. They literally got into a fistfight in the front yard of my grandfather's home because my grandfather said, look, there is no way. I am going, that is all there is to it. If you want to stay here, go right ahead, be my guest, but I got to do what I got to do. He investigated these lynches and he wrote articles for the Chicago Defender, which was an African-American publication out of Chicago. He was sort of a staff correspondent for 19 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University the Chicago Defender. Very often when he would investigate one of these lynches, he would write back to the Chicago Defender and they would print an article about the findings of his investigation. Now, another very interesting thing that many of you may not know (I am sure that Mr. Purifoy probably knows about this) is that one of his very close activist friends, Wiley Bolden ... Now, my grandfather was a relatively dark-skinned man. Wiley Bolden was a very fair skin man. Wiley Bolden was like he was almost white. When they would go to investigate some of these lynches, my grandfather would ride in the trunk of the car. Wiley Bolden would drive the car because just to an average onlooker (say there was a sheriff or someone driving around or some people driving around maybe looking for these activists who were coming in to try and investigate the lynching) ... If they would sort of glance over and see Wiley Bolden driving a car, they would assume he is just another white man. They would not have even raised an eyebrow about it. Of course, now that was the protocol; that was the procedure. When they would go into these counties to investigate these lynches, Wiley Bolden would drive and John Leflore would ride in the trunk until they got to where they needed to go and until they got to some area where they could figure they were safe. At some point or another, during the 1960's, he retired from the postal service and he became very active with an organization called the Non-Partisans Voters League. The philosophy behind the Non-Partisan Voters League was basically the fact that these individuals had reached a point in their lives, in their careers and in their whole struggle that they had realized that they did not want to affiliate themselves with any particular 20 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University party. They did not want to affiliate themselves with the Democrat. They did not want to affiliate themselves with the Republican. They were going to affiliate themselves with whoever was willing to listen to them, whoever was willing to serve their agenda and with whoever shared a similar outlook or at least with that candidate who perhaps more than the other candidate saw things the way that they saw things; people who were interested in trying to help this organization. They never wanted to necessarily say, well, we are just going to vote straight Democrat. We are just going to vote straight Republican. We are going to vote for the person who we feel is going to best represent out interests and our goals and that was the real philosophy behind the Non-Partisan Voters League. Now, the Non-Partisan Voters League became involved in a number of things. During that time, I think my grandfather had accomplished a great deal during his life in terms of helping to gain voting rights, desegregating lunch counters, restaurants, bathrooms, railroad cars, buses and employment opportunities. I mean he did a large amount of work in terms of trying to help minorities gain access to better employment opportunities. He spent a lot of his time coaching minorities in how to pass these exams that were initially formulated to preclude them from voting during the early l 950's. He spent a lot of his time coaching and talking with various employers around the city of Mobile and around the state about benefits of employing minorities or at least at terms of just looking at the idea. He would say to these employers, how about just having a few interviews. We have 5 people here who would like to interview with your company. You know, you do not have to hire him but just talk to them, just have them in. You might find somebody you like. You might find somebody you may want to hire, just give them 21 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University a chance. He spent a lot of time doing that. Once he got involved in the Non-Partisan Voters League, he and the other activists, Mr. Purifoy and Mr. Bolden and many other who were involved in the Non-Partisan Voters League at that time, became involved in trying test cases. If they focused in on something that they felt was a necessary evil so to speak, they would then file a test case in court. At that point, once the test case went through, normally those cases they won. During the early l 960's and many people may not be aware of this, John Leflore and the Non-Partisan Voters League were instrumental. They were almost completely responsible for integrating the University of Alabama. When Vivian Malone Jones went to the University of Alabama during the Governor Wallace stand in the doors of the University of Alabama, the Non-Partisan Voters League and John Leflore were right behind here. I think actually my son asked me once if granddaddy was involved in integrating the University of Alabama and there is all this footage of Governor Wallace standing in the doorway, where was he? That is a very important point because granddaddy, John Leflore, was not one who believed in risking his life. He was the ___ . He was the caboose. He was the engine. He was the engineer, but he would very often stand back and let things happen once they occurred. Once again, he never, other than perhaps investigating some of these lynches, put himself in a situation where his life would be in danger. Once again, during that particular time, the Non-Partisan Voters League sponsored Vivian Malone and they were right behind her there at the University of Alabama. Now, the Bertie Mae Davis case is another case that they worked on once they finished with the University of Alabama and that case involved integrating 22 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University the Murphy High School in Mobile, Alabama. Bertie Mae Davis of course was a young girl and public school student there in Mobile and John Leflore basically decided that he was going to have her as their spokesperson and as their test student so to speak. He spent a lot of time with her talking with her about what to expect and what it was going to be like. He explained to her that it was very important that she be brave and that this was a new situation, but this was something that had to be done. He explained to her also that once you do this, you are going to be a part of history. You are helping to make history. Of course, that went over fairly well, the integration of Murphy High School, which later led to the integration of other high schools in the Mobile area. Then, of course, during the latter part of the l 960's, the next big case that they worked on was the Bolden versus City of Mobile case and that case was the case that basically changed the city form of government in Mobile. The original city form of government was comprised of three counsel members that were elected at large. The notion that the Non-Partisan Voters League formulated was with three counsel members that are elected from the city at large. Based on this, there was no way that various communities and various factions within the city were going to have any voice because we had the same two, three or four guys that were just being reelected over, over and over again. This was shortly after Joe Langan was voted out of office. Now, what happened with Joe Langan was that when the neighborhood, organized workers came along during the latter l 960's, there whole philosophy was so different from John LeFlore's philosophy. These guys were like, you know, they were ready. Their philosophy was more along the line of Malcolm X's philosophy. They wanted to fight fire with fire. They said, if they want to bomb churches 23 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University or houses in our community, then we are going to go bomb churches and houses in their community. If they want to kill our people in our community, we are gonna go kill people in their community. Of course, this was totally alien to John Leflore's philosophy. John LeFlore's philosophy was look, let us work this thing out. Let us sit down and let us work this thing through the courts. Let us file these cases in court. Let us get some rulings on these cases. Let us go to the city counsel. Let us go to the legislature. Let us go to congress. Let us lobby in congress. Let us lobby in the legislature. Let us try and change these things. We do not want to go killing people or bombing people or tit for tat or burn for burn. We do not want to do that. We just want to bring about peaceful harmonious change and that is what John Leflore always worked for. Of course, the Bolden versus the City of Mobile, as I was indicating, came after Joe Langan being voted out of office. The NOW Organization was also very instrumental in Joe Langan being voted out of office. I think they realized that they wanted to upset the whole fabric of Mobile, so to speak. They want to bring about change and as their organization said; they wanted it now. They did not want it next week. They did not want it next month or next year. They wanted it now. Even though, Joe Langan had much Black support in the city of Mobile, the NOW Organization turned their back on Joe Langan. They said, look, if Joe Langan is working with this John Leflore and this Non-Partisan Voters League, he is not getting our vote. We do not want to have anything to do with Joe Langan. We are going to do our own thing. So, many of the blacks who voted for Joe Langan initially did not vote for Joe Langan during the election previous to the Bolden versus City of Mobile case, which involved changing the city's form of government. Of course, the Bolden versus City of 24 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University Mobile case was a successful case and the city of Mobile form of government was changed. We now have a city form of government that is comprised of I believe six or seven counsel members from various districts within the community and of course one mayor. So, that was of course probably one of the final local accomplishments of my grandfather. Of course, finally, during the l 970's, he focused his efforts on running for political office. He initially ran for congress. He did not win that election. Shortly thereafter, he ran for the House of Representatives. He was elected to the House of Representatives I believe in 1974. This was about two or three years before his death. To the best of my knowledge and if I am wrong if anyone can correct me q,n this, I do believe that he was the first African-American to be elected to the Alabama House of Representatives since reconstruction. I do believe that he was. If anyone knows anything different, please let me know. During the l 970's, he was elected to the House of Representatives and of course in January of 1976, he passed away. Closing: In closing, I would just like to say that if we look over history and if we look at Alabama history, we have to realize that the Civil Rights Movement did not begin during the 1960's. The Civil Rights Movement did not begin during the 1950's with Brown versus Board of Education. The Civil Rights Movement certainly did not begin in 1925 when John Leflore, Wiley Bolden, Mr. Purifoy and all those guys began working in Mobile. Certainly, the Civil Rights Movement began when the first African slave was brought here into the Civil Rights Movement; that is when the Civil Rights Movement began. We also have to realize, especially you young students back there, that there were many people who were out here working for civil rights. Many of them were behind 25 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University scenes way before the 1960's, way before the 1950's, way before Medgar Evers, way before Malcolm X and way before Martin Luther King. Way before any of these people were even born. You know, there were people who were out there working diligently to bring out peaceful change in the state. Finally, in closing, I would like to say too if you look at the history of Alabama, if you look at Birmingham, if you look at Montgomery and you look at many of the things that went on in Birmingham and Montgomery during that time with as much violence that went on there, Mobile was light years ahead of Birmingham. Mobile was light years ahead of Selma because of the philosophies of people like John LeFlore, Non-Partisan Voters League, Mr. Purifoy and Mr. Bolden. Many of the changes that they brought about during that time were brought about peacefully. They were brought about litigiously. They were brought about through the court system. They were brought about through negotiation and were brought about through litigation. They were brought about through legislation, so to speak. That was the way that many of these people were able to bring about change during that time. I think that was also the way that many of Mobilians were able to achieve certain changes in the social fabric of the city through the work of many of these activists like my grandfather John LeFlore. I believe that I have just about used up all of my time. So, thank you all for being here. Janet LeFlore: I don't think that my son left too much for me to say. Do you think he covered it Mr. Purifoy? There is one thing that I would like to add to it though, just one little thing, and of course this is typical. As he mentioned the changes to the form of government from the at-large form to the city council form. It was like as if it was just 26 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University something that was done, but it really wasn't. My husband and I were in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania in the 1960's. He was at Albert Einstein and working on his residency in internal medicine. John Leflore called and said, "Janet, I want you to find out what kind of government they have in the city of Philadelphia." I said, "What do you mean? It's just like it is anywhere else, John." He said, "Find out. An at-large form of government or is it a council form of government." I asked my husband, "What is he talking about?" He was listening to John and I didn't quite get it. He said, "Well, just find out and let me know." So, as we discussed it, he said it was probably another project of status and I found out for him and I called him. I said, "Why John? Why do you want to know". He said, "Because, the form of government here in Mobile has to be changed." He said it with such conviction. I said, "John, you cannot change the form of city government in Mobile, Alabama." He said, "Oh, yes I can. !fl start it and don't finish it, someone will be here to finish it for me." Well, he started it, but it wasn't quite as candidly as one could say. It involved about ten or twelve years of hard work, calling cities here and there and everywhere. He was writing to city officials who were not going to answer your little note. They hardly give you time on the telephone, telling you the kind of form of government that they have. So, when my husband and I would go somewhere, anywhere and everywhere we'd go, check on the kind of government that they have there. See what's working for them. It took a number of years to do this. It took a lot of reading and interpretation to do this research. It started in the l 960's and in I 976, the ruling came down that the change of government had to take place. Now, after John Leflore, the NonPartisan Voters League, Purifoy and Ben Bolden and all of them ... After they got enough 27 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University history and after enough research had been done, Mobile, Alabama was under the fire because they could see on paper that the government, which was an at-large form of government did not allow the fair practice of government for everybody there. The minorities could definitely be segregated against and this was evident, not with just the research that had been done in other cities, which would indicate that Mobile should change the city form of government, but with what Mobile, itself, had shown to Mobilians. So, they had a case and that was their technique. Non-Partisan Voters League just wanted a case, a real case; so, they took it to the courts. Of course, they lost the first one. They took it to the higher court; this started in the 1960's. In 1976, it was sent to the Fifth District Court and the Fifth District Court declared that the form of government practiced in Mobile, Alabama, an at-large form of government allowed so many inequities that the minorities in Mobile, Alabama could be segregated again. John LeFlore died January 30, 1976. In September 1976, the Fifth District Court declared that the form of government in Mobile, Alabama, must be/should be/must be changed and then it changed from an at-large form of government to a council form of government and that is the kind of government that Mobile practices today. I am a witness that this is the best form of government, at least for Mobile, Alabama, and this was done by John Leflore as executive secretary of the Non-Partisan Voters League and all those other members of the Non-Partisan Voters League who participated in this research. It was called Bolden versus City of Mobile. That was the case that went down in history. It changed the city form of government of Mobile. As my son said, I am so glad to see the change of the city's form of government. It was not like that at all. It was somebody's 28 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University calling, writing, reading and analyzing the research that had taken place ten to twelve years and 1965 is when I actively became involved with it and 1976 is when the Fifth District Court said that the government should be changed. I think it has worked out very well to have the divided into seven districts and each district now is represented by a council person and the mayor, of course, is the top of it all. It is not like one man or two, three or four men ruling the whole city of Mobile. Surely, if you are living in one district and I am in another district, you cannot know what my needs are; it is my district and that is what it was all about. Of course, there was segregation all over Mobile at that time, still. When we came back from Philadelphia to Mobile, there was a lot of segregation and this form of government did help to rule out a lot of the segregation which was there. This was witnessed by me, but it took more than just a little effort; it took a lot of effort. This was John LeFlore's dream. He went to Queens, New York, the latter part of the l 950's and the he returned the early part of the l 960's. Queens, New York had this kind of government there and probably other cities in New York. He said, it seemed to be such a fair type of government. Of course, when he called me in Philadelphia asking me what kind of government did we have there, it did not make sense to me at all. In the long run, it made a lot of sense. I did put forth quite a bit of effort as all of the members of the Non-Partisan Voters League put forth quite a bit of effort to change the city's form of government and that is the one that we practice today. I guess Mr. Purifoy could attest to the fact that it is a better form of goverrunent. John LeFlore worked all these years. He worked a long, long time. As a child in Wilmington, North Carolina, my dad was a postman also. There was a little paper called, The Postal Alliance, which came out 29 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University probably two times a month. When my dad got that paper, he looked for John LeFlore. He would find something in there that John LeFlore did. We would have to sit down and listen to it. Is this something? He crossed in the middle of the street and they are putting him in jail for this. He came in a minute late and they are putting him in jail for this. He has his bag on the left side instead of the right side and they are putting him in jail. That is John Leflore in Mobile, Alabama. This is the Hatch Act that he has violated. They are going to kick him off of his job, but that is the most courageous man in the history of the times. He said, "I want to meet John Leflore of Mobile, Alabama." So, he sent his daughter to ____ _ College and his daughter met John Leflore's son. John LeFlore's son did not intend to let her go. So, when I introduced him to my mom and dad, (I must have been in my third year and he was in his senior year) my dad said to my husband, (which I call Beck)"would you happen to know a John LeFlore in Mobile, Alabama? My husband said, "Yes. John LeFlore's my dad." My dad said, "Would he be the civil rights worker?" He said, "Oh, yes. That's my dad." He said, "Well, I want to shake your hand." So, after that, Beck said to me, "I've got it made," and I guess he did. Knowing John Leflore and working with him was a glorious experience for me and I think it opened up my mind to bigger and better things. I think it made me a better person. I could never be as courageous as John Leflore. I remember that John LeFlore said to me that you cannot walk through life being afraid. You have to walk through life being unafraid. If you walk through life being afraid, you are not really going through life. I think this was right after I had the telephone, but I lived literally lived around their house all the time. I answered the telephone once and this gentleman was saying that he 30 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University wanted to know what was the size of John LeFlore. I said, "The size of his shoe? What do you want to know for?" He wanted to know so he could make the shoes with cement that would fit him, so if they killed him and dropped him in the Mobile Bay, he would stay down and he would never come up. He would never float up. When I mentioned this to John and his wife Teah, they were unmoved and I was scared to death. They were unmoved. It did not phase them at all. I said, "Well, aren't you afraid, Teah?" She said, "No, it comes all the time." John said that was just somebody being a prankster. I could not understand how these two people could not be disturbed by this kind of message on the telephone. Of course, I thought it was really real that somebody was going to really do that. Of course, they did not because they had so many messages like that. They already had I think about one or two shots in the window, but no one was killed. Of course, John had so many instances where I guess his life was really laid on the line. The Non-Partisan Voters League (I have to give it to you all Mr. Purifoy) really did protect him. They never allowed him to go out from a meeting at night without someone on both sides of John. Before John went out, they had two or three people go out and canvas the area, go across to the parking lot where he had his car parked and kind of go around the neighborhood. Then, they would come back in and give their reporting and then two of the other would escort John Leflore to his car. They gave him as much protection as any group of people could possibly give. So, regarding the case of Bolden versus the City of Mobile, it took over ten to twelve years to get that and that was the way it was with so many of the cases. It takes a long time. It takes the efforts of a lot of good thinking people. It takes a lot of good thinking. It takes a lot for a man to decide that he is going to 31 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University go this way because he knows that his life might be on line. It takes a really courageous man and John Leflore was the man and the members of the Non-Partisan Voters League. They were really courageous, Reverend Hope, he was courageous. He was getting old when I started working with you all. Mr. Purifoy, I am not going to talk any longer. Mr. Purifoy is going to tell the rest of it. They are courageous. It takes a lot of thinking and as I thought about it at several times of my life, John would call me at night, twelve o'clock, and say, "Would you listen to this Janet? How do you like this?" or he would call me at night and say, "Could you come over and read something for me? Please, just read it for me. Look for the i's and look for the t's. See if! dotted the i's and crossed the t's. Just type what I want you to type." It takes a lot out of your day. It takes a lot out of your time. It takes a lot out of your thinking. You have to program yourself to do this. You have to make a lot of changes in your life in order to do this. In the end, you have to think it is probably going to be worthwhile and it was. So, I do not regret any time at all that I gave to this program of John Leflore and the Non-Partisan Voters League and that is all I am going to say. O.B. Purifoy: With what has been said, I do not know really where to begin. (inaudible) I am proud that I was asked to come to Huntsville. It is not a new place to me, but it is an old place that maybe some ten or fifteen years ago I came and I saw this university because .. .I say university now because it was Alabama A&M College for Black Students I think. I came up to bring my grandson to school and of course, I left. Let me say that what I intend talking about tonight are some of the incidents that we had to go through with in living in Mobile, Alabama. Mobile is a good town; don't let anybody tell you 32 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University different. It is a good town. Even now, I can say it is a good town. First, I am going to start with the hospitals in and around our city. We visited (let me see if I can name some of them) Mobile ---- Hospital and South Alabama. (inaudible) I want to say in visiting those hospitals, back when they were talking about, back in the 1950's and the l 960's, black people had a very, very small area in which you could go into the hospitals. You had to be darn good to get in there even at that because they just did not want you in that hospital. After we talked with these people through John LeFlore, John would call the sisters and us. He would call the presidents of the hospitals. We sat down and talked with the sisters and we talked with the presidents of the hospitals. Do you know that when we left those places, we left with an understanding that if you send your blacks out here you will find that the hospitals are going to be different and they were. They were very good about things like that. We even came up to Greenville to what was (inaudible). Some of you may remember that one. We had a John ___ up there. He was the president of the hospital. (inaudible) That is where I was born. I met him and I told him. I said, "John, how is it you can't let any blacks come into this hospital?" He said, "O.B., what makes you think that?" I said, "Simply because I am told that, that they can't come into the hospital in Greenville, Alabama." He said, "Well, how long are you going to be here." I told him, "I'll be up here." He said, "Well, you come back in here to see me the day after tomorrow and I'll show you some black patients in this hospital." It happened. How he made it work, I do not know, but it worked. We also had what was known as the Greyhound bus terminal in Mobile. That was a bus stop. If you have ever tried to ride the greyhound bus back in the l 940's, l 950's and the l 960's, of course, you would know 33 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University that what I am about to say is real. You got on the bus. You walked to the back and there was a curtain on that bus. You had to get beyond that curtain if you were going to ride on that bus. Lots of you people do not believe that. Well, alright, I did not know that you were that young. Anyway, that was something we had to do. We went down to the Greyhound bus station, Mr. Bolden, myself and two or three others of the Non-Partisan Voters League. We sat down and talked with the manager of this station. We did not sit down. We stood and he sat down. Well, he talked and he talked and after we explained to him what we were there for and why we were there, you should know that the bus stations in Mobile, Alabama changed. It changed. It definitely changed. There were several late-night eating places in Mobile at this time. One was called Fletcher's. John Leflore was carrying mail back then. I decided that we were going to go down there and try eating at Fletcher's Barbecue. Well, you know what happened. We were abused, not bruised but abused. We could have gotten bruised had we decided to eat there anyway that day. We just took the abuse and decided that we were going to talk to Mr. Fletcher, the man who owned the place and see what we could do. We talked to him. You know he closed that restaurant, closed it and moved it out on Airport Boulevard. They thought we would not eat there, but we decided that we were going to eat out there. We did eat there and we had a good time eating there. It was very, very nice. It was mentioned about the dry docks in Mobile. We had a lot of blacks working out there, but they were working as workmen at the minimum task you could perform. They were ordering ships. They were picking up trash; they were doing all of that. When we talked to these gentlemen at the dry docks, it was within six month that we had supervisors in maybe three or four 34 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University departments at Alabama state dry docks. This was a trying situation because it was here that they said you would never see a black supervisor in Alabama dry docks. Like I said, within six months, we had three people out there and they were supervisors. Now, we went on to Angus which is about forty miles from Mobile. We have about two thousand people working there now. Mr. P was the man who ran Angus and he was a Mr. P alright. He was a Mr. P and he spelled his name p, e. That is why I do not mind spelling it because that is the way he spelled his name. We have people working down in Angus. (inaudible) They are building them now. Let's come back to Mobile and bus situation. We talked a little bit about the bus station, but we did not talk about the bus drivers. We do have _____ by Mr. Bolden and Randolph. I do not think I was in on this one. Bolden and Randolph went down and they talked with the man at the bus station and we do have bus drivers. Following that discussion that they had, we have black bus drivers and some of them live and drive right out of Mobile, Alabama. We have the third largest water systems in the state of Alabama. Mobile Water and Sewage is a big place. That is a big, big place and we have about three or four thousand people working for them. (inaudible) That Thursday, they had a meeting. They called all of the workers, laid them off for a day and called all of them in. They sat in big groups all around Mobile Water and Sewage. In less than two months, we had blacks driving trucks going all over the city doing what they do without any whites because they did the work, but they just had to have a white person along with them. The league was very, very good. It was a city where men and women could sit down and talk. All of you whites in Huntsville know that before the space center got here, you just did not believe there were going to be 35 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University blacks out there that were working in the areas as they were working in the space center. You did not believe that they would be setting up those very valuable rocks or what have you. Right now, I believe you have fifteen hundred. We can talk a lot about the struggle. We can talk a lot about the things that we did and did not do, but we have had some wonderful experiences. I would not trade them for anything because it is here that I learned my lesson. Now, I work individually for the Atlanta Life Insurance Company. I am retired and I am happy of it, but I still work with the Non-Partisan Voters League in Mobile If you are every in that area, look us up. We will do anything we can. We just about know everybody in Mobile. Mr. Joe Langan was a wonderful person. After he came back from the army ... ! was in the army the same time he was in the army. After he came back, he ran and won the election as city councilman. The city government and Mobile are going to have a strange case come up. I do not believe that Mrs. LeFlore knows about this just yet. In the election of government, we have councilman and we have ____ . We have to have a minority of five in order to pass anything in the city. Recently, less than two months ago, we had three new persons that were elected to this council. One of them have come up with that we do not need a majority in order to get something happening in the black community. You know about what is probably going to happen. That is why we are going to have another ____ come up in Mobile because we are not going to have just one man come in and change what has been effective and has been helpful in Mobile and helpful in the state of Alabama. It has been helpful in the whole United States. I think the works of John LeFlore was the beginning of this. I think that John LeFlore gave to the 36 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University black people an insight that would help them realize that the ways to maintain it is to sit down and talk. I do not know who the mayor of Huntsville is now, but maybe if you sit down and talk with him you may find him out. You can talk with him; I would think. The way that we grew up in Mobile is by talking to the mayor. We talk to the city police chief. We talk to the councilmen. If you have talked with the man and go there with the right idea, you can leave with a better idea and I know that I have used up my time. I want to thank you for listening. Janet LeFlore: When my husband and I came back to Mobile from Philadelphia, my husband absolutely, beyond a shadow of doubt, definitely qualified to practice medicine at any hospital in the whole United States of America. He could only go to one little hospital. It was overcrowded with all the blacks that had to go there because as he mentioned the hospitals did not allow the blacks into their beds and so forth. John at that time was trying to get Dr. Foster a position in Mobile. Just at the time that my husband got there ... My husband had applied to all of them and had not heard from any of them, boy, was he surprised because he really knew he would get in, but he did not get in. John Leflore went into the hospital. He talked to the administrators and said, it is not right. This is what John Leflore believed in doing as Mr. Purifoy just pointed out. He said, "I believe if you take a right and wrong to any person in the United States of America (of course, he was wrong) and say to them, "Is it right for you to keep a man from feeding his family. Is it right for you to kick a man out of a position just because he is black? My son has not heard from any of these hospitals here. He has not been admitted to anyone except for down at the base." The sister was really surprised and she said, "I never got his 37 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University application, but that is okay. He need not send it. Tell him to call me tomorrow and he will be admitted to this facility." Then, Mobile Infirmary said the same thing and then South Alabama Hospital. Dr. LeFlore was admitted to all of the hospitals within twentyfour hours and there were no incidents, none whatsoever. That was the personal experience I thought of when Mr. Purifoy was talking. Thank you. Q: (inaudible) A: You have a good question there. I cannot answer you fully. Mobile is strangely a town of politics where if you carry the right idea, then you got the right answer. You can do that today. You can count on that. If you carry the right idea, you get the right answer. A: Yes, politics are involved if I may answer that question. They are definitely. We are talking about politics. There are good politics and there are bad politics. You know that. I know that. We are talking about one versus the other. You know there is right and there is wrong and that is what we have to face in life. You are either right or you are wrong. You are either on the right side of the street or the wrong side of the street. This is what I keep saying about John LeFlore because I was so intermittently involved with him. He I believed going to you and saying to you, "Would you consider opening up a job to a man who happens to black. He is very good and deserves a good. Can you consider the idea that it is wrong to keep a man out of a job just because his skin is not the color of your skin?" He believed going to a man. He nagged them to death, over and over, writing them notes and calling them on the telephone saying, "Can we have a conference? Can you have a conference with me? Can I have five or ten minutes of your time?" It usually ended up being twenty-five or thirty minutes of his time, but he did it. Isn't that what 38 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University politics are all about? We are living in a political world. This is a political arena. There is right in it and there is wrong in it. We all know that. John Leflore, Non-Partisan Voters League and the NAACP were trying to right some of the wrong. Even if you were blind, even if you could not see, you knew these were inequities that should not be, particularly in the United States of America. It took a long, long struggle and it did not start in 1960. It did not start with Martin Luther King. Martin Luther King did his part surely and God bless him and we all love him, but it started long before the sit-ins. It started long before ____ . It started with (inaudible) pushing and striving and praying that this change would take place with honor and without fighting in the street and without kicking and slamming each other but just negotiating. If the negotiating could not take place in an office, then they would take it to the court, particularly after the Civil Rights Bill was passed. Q: (inaudible) A: Let me say this. Yes, he was a lawyer and then no, he was not a lawyer, but there is no lawyer that knew much more law than John LeFlore. He worked and he worked and he worked. He went to the post office during the day and put his time in there. He came home and got a little bit of rest, two or three hours. He took his soak in the bathtub and then he started working at his typewriter in the Non-Partisan Voters League or in the NAACP office and then he worked until two, three or four o' clock in the morning. The night that his house was bombed (if you can believe in this and I think I do) he sat each night in a particular chair in front of two windows in his home. He sat at his nice dining room table that he had to clean off daily in order to eat there because it had pages all over 39 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University the place. He sat there and he worked. He pecked away at that typewriter. He went to the meetings. He did all of this. He worked. I would say out of twenty-four hours a day he must have given at least eighteen hours of time to do this work. One other thing, he took a course at a college and I will not name the professor. He told me this. He said, "I just noticed that John just kept asking questions and asking questions. Then, suddenly, I didn't see John anymore. He left the class." So, I called and asked, "Why did you leave the class? Have you left the class for good?" He said, "Well, I wasn't learning too much." Then, he said, "You knew more than I did. You knew more of the history than I did." He was a well, rounded man. He did not graduate from college, but he could hold a good conversation and give you the facts on practically any subject that you approached him with. A: That is an interesting question because actually John Leflore probably should have been a lawyer. It is interesting that you would raise that point. He was a very articulate man. That is another recollection of mine. He loved words. He was a brilliant man. As I said, he never really got the opportunity to go to college. He certainly never got the opportunity to go to law school. Much of his work in civil rights was work that he did really out of the goodness of his heart. This was not something he got paid for. He was a postal worker. He was a mail carrier. That was his job. That is how he earned a living and that is how he paid his bills. That is how he feed his family, bought a car and home, whatever. That was his job. If anything happened in Mobile, I say maybe from (I would was born in 1965, so I know anything after that) 1950 through 1976, if someone felt they had been discriminated against, if someone felt they had been wronged, if someone had 40 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University been beaten by the police, if someone felt that they had been wrongfully arrested or if they had been discriminated against in employment, the first person they went to talk to was not an attorney; it was John LeFlore. Very often, I think about the fact of what would it have been like had he been an attorney. If he had been an attorney, my goodness, you never know what the possibility would have been. I mean, I am an attorney and frankly speaking, I do not have half of the guts that this guy had. Of course, I live in a different time and I have a very different viewpoint about life and many other issues. So, it really is not mandatory that I have the guts that he had because I do not have to face the things that he had to face. I do not have to worry about many of things he had to worry about. Society is very different today as opposed to the way society was then. I think the interesting thing about him having been an attorney was the fact that he was not. Possibly, had he been an attorney, he would have been more or less in a situation where he would have had to pick and choose more so than just being a humanitarian. You know, I went to school with a lot of very, very wealthy people. Many of these people whose grandfathers and great-grandfathers started big businesses, etc., etc. My grandfather was not a wealthy man. He was not a wealthy man when he died. He was not a rich man when he died. He left behind a great legacy. He left behind thousands of people who remembered him, respected him, believed in what he stood for and who cherished his memory. Once again, he was not a wealthy man, but I think had he been an attorney, he would have made decisions based on pecuniary concerns as opposed to having made decisions based on humanitarian concern. His decisions may have been a little different. He may have had to back away from certain things because he would have been scared 41 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University that he would have jeopardized his life had he gotten involved or he may have gotten involved in things because maybe there was a pecuniary interest, or financial interest, whereas that was never really a motivating factor. Really, once again, all of the things that he did as far as civil rights are concerned, those were things he was never compensated for. This was time, maybe three, four or five hours a day that he spent, maybe twenty, thirty hours a week that he may have spent working with the NAACP, working with the Non-Partisan Voters League or working with various organizations, political leaders, members of the community, etc., etc. He was not paid for any of this stuff. This was all out of his own dedication, out of his own devotion and his own humanitarian spirits. Q: With bus drivers, were they allowed to drive throughout the whole state or just in Mobile? The next question is what kind of tactics was used to appeal the Jim Crow laws? What kind of angles was used with the injustice that was against human rights? A: Ifl came to you and said to you, "Do you think it's right for you to run over this child in the middle of the street or should you drive around this child who is in the middle of street?" What would you say to me? Which is right and which is wrong? One is right and one is wrong. Would you drive over that child in the middle of the street or would you drive around that child in the middle of the street so that you would not kill it? It is the matter of working with a man's conscious and going to a man, a leader, who is helping to make the rules an who is making the law and present the law to that man. Let him think about it. Is it right or is it wrong? This is a human being. The only difference is that your skin is one color and this man's skin is another color. Should we segregate on the basis of 42 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University color? No. I good thinking person whether he is black, green, white or purple could not say anything to that question except, it is the law or that is wrong. That was his technique. Q: Mrs. LeFlore, while not meaning to understate the racism in the northern states as well as the south, I am wondering if Philadelphia's system might have been a little bit different from Mobile and did you ever intend on not returning to the south? A: Yes. When we went to Philadelphia, we were going to buy a home in Philadelphia, we noticed that the realtors were taking us to middle class homes that were owned by whites. Then, we noticed that in these neighborhoods, for the most part, there was integration. They were quite a few blacks and very few whites. Then, we learned that we bought blacks. We bought the homes from the whites and they moved out, way out, to North Philadelphia. Philadelphia had two people who thought well of themselves. They had been taught to think well of themselves. Learn it. Do it right. Do not do it halfway. Do it all the way. So, when we bought this house and they moved out; this is segregation in Philadelphia. That is what we were up against. My husband thought about his mother and father growing old in Mobile by themselves, so he came back to Mobile. Now, Mobile did need desperately black doctors. I say black doctors because there were blacks in Mobile that desperately needed medical care and there were not enough black doctors in Mobile to give them that care. They were several black doctors then. White doctors did not turn them away, but proud blacks did not want to go into a white doctor's office and sit where they had to sit, waiting for services. How could you trust a man with your life who was not going to let you sit with his other patients. It was that kind of situation, you know, just thinking through it. So, we had not plarmed to come back to Alabama. I did 43 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University not particularly want to come back to Alabama, but I was a dutiful wife and I followed my husband back to Alabama. The same things began happening in Alabama. We started to buy a home and the same thing was happening. So, my husband and I said, "Well, we'll buy all of that when we get enough money and we will make our own subdivision," and we did it. Q: First of all, I would like to thank all of you for coming in this weather. It is kind of a two-part question but kind of short. First, how did you stay so focused on your work in helping John Leflore and second, what advice would you give to a young person today to help make sure that the progress in America continues. A: First of all, you have got to believe in yourself. Okay? My grandmother was raised under a mother who got you up out of the bed and gave you tasks to do all day long. You were doing this and doing that. Everyday you had to study and you had to learn math. Everyday, you had to devote a little bit of time to that and everyday you had to be functional. ---- father said who said to you, "You have to work. You must work. You must do a good job." He had five daughters and three sons. He told his daughters they were not prissy or attractive unless you can work. So, what daughter would not want to be attractive to a father? So, you worked and you worked and you worked. You swept the kitchen and you swept the sidewalk. You washed the dishes, all except my sister; she would not wash dishes, but you learned how to do these things. They were embedded in you and you had a mother who said, "You can't rest in the bed unless you are sick. You have to do this." Your whole day is programmed. So, this is what you learn to do to make the maximum use of what God has given to use, some energy. You just learn how to 44 �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University work. When I was teaching at Fisk University, I also worked at the Atomic Energy Commission in a very sophisticated stage of chemistry, which I had to learn and then put in use. I held down tow full-time jobs while my husband was in medical school. That was very, very hard, but I did it. I also gave our son some time. When I went to Mobile and started helping with the Non-Partisan Voters League, all this reading and listening to John Leflore, it was hard, but it was worthwhile. I had attuned myself, my body, my energies and everything I had to working. You are working. So, you just do it and you do not ignore your children. You give them good, quality time. What is wrong with my son sitting on my lap while I am talking to somebody in Timbuktu about changing the city's form of government? This is what you do. Work always, my dear, maximum work, each day of your life. Go all the way. Do it. You can do it. Closing: In reference to your question and your question as well. I have always had that same question, not only about John Leflore, but many people who bring about change in history. How are they able to do this? I also know about Janet Owens LeFlore in 1965 when she went back to Mobile. I know a little bit about the things she was doing in the Non-Partisan Voters League. I know she had a full-time career teaching chemistry at Bishop. I can barely do one job teaching full-time and in addition to raising a fan1ily. The other thing, which is just a general comment in relation to politics, from the historical point of view, all change in a sense is ultimately political change. Tactics are different. Tactics that worked in Selma and Birmingham may not work in other areas. It seems to me that LeFlore and the Non-Partisan Voters League arrived at the best tactics given the circumstances they found in a coastal and catholic. He reminds me of the ____ 45 _ �The Civil Rights Movement in Alabama Alabama A&M University about war. He says, "War is the continuation of diplomacy by other means." I think in a way politics are the same way. I have really enjoyed this session tonight. It has been a privilege to have Burton her and Janet Owens Leflore and Mr. Purifoy. I appreciate you all coming out and please join them in one more round of applause. 46 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 Relation A related resource <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/resources/21" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">View the Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 finding aid in ArchivesSpace</a> Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context uah_civr_000027 Title A name given to the resource Digitized transcription of VHS tape of "The Case of Mobile". Description An account of the resource Janet Owens LeFlore, Burton R. LeFlore, and O.B. Purifoy are the speakers in this lecture given at Alabama A&M University. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Alabama A & M University University of Alabama in Huntsville Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections, Huntsville, Alabama Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2001-11-29 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 2000-2009 Subject The topic of the resource LeFlore, Janet Owens, 1928-2015 LeFlore, Burton R, 1966- Purifoy, Ossie B., 1914-2005 Civil rights movements--Southern states--History--20th century Mobile (Ala.) Mobile County Segregation African Americans--Legal status, laws, etc. Civil rights demonstrations Type The nature or genre of the resource Lectures Text Transcript Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Print Language A language of the resource en Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 46 Has Format A related resource that is substantially the same as the pre-existing described resource, but in another format. Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/archival_objects/405">VHS Tape of: The Case of Mobile - Speakers: Walker LeFlore, Janet Owens LeFlore, Burton R. LeFlore, and O.B. Purifoy, 2001-11-29 Box 2, Tape 11</a> University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections, Huntsville, Alabama Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Lecture Series on Civil Rights in Alabama, 1954-1965 <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/archival_objects/393">The Case of Mobile - Speakers: Walker LeFlore, Janet Owens LeFlore, Burton R. LeFlore, and O. B. Purifoy - Transcription of Tape 11, 2003. Box 1, File 12</a> University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives, Special Collections, and Digital Initiatives, Huntsville, Alabama https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/184/13354/roberts_panels.pdf 626469767b38eecf45bdb0625ded9d8c PDF Text Text ������ Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context UAH Archives and Special Collections Exhibits Title A name given to the resource UAH Archives and Special Collections Exhibits Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context roberts_panels Language A language of the resource en Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Title A name given to the resource "Frances Roberts: Her Life and Legacy" exhibit panels. Description An account of the resource This exhibit was made possible by a grant from the Alabama Humanities Alliance in collaboration with the UAH History Department and the UAH Humanities Center. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Adan, Drew Gibbons, Caroline Grimsley, Reagan L. Kaparos, Sara Morris, William Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available University of Alabama in Huntsville Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2021 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 2020-2029 Subject The topic of the resource Roberts, Frances C. Alabama--History Historic preservation Libraries--Special collections--Archival materials University of Alabama in Huntsville Huntsville (Ala.) Madison County (Ala.) Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition posters Still Image Text Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives, Special Collections, and Digital Initiatives, Huntsville, Alabama https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/184/13446/Gays_and_Friends_panels_FINAL_omeka.pdf e4e1e369b88e27a30c4cfd9fa50e7bf0 PDF Text Text Gays and Friends UAH's First LGBTQ Student Organization �In 1991, UAH students organized the first group for LGBTQ students and allies on campus. Exponent student newspaper, March 13, 1991 �The group, named Gays and Friends, was chartered by the SGA on April 11, 1991. Exponent student newspaper, April 17, 1991 �However, UAH SGA refused to fund Gays and Friends. Exponent student newspaper, May 1, 1991 �Funding Gays and Friends, as well as the club's very existence, proved to be a divisive topic on campus. Exponent student newspaper, May 1, 1991 �VP for Student Affairs B. Jeanne Fisher overrode SGA's decision and funded Gays and Friends. Exponent student newspaper, May 22, 1991 �Fisher believed that the SGA's refusal to fund Gays and Friends was unfair und illegal. Exponent student newspaper, May 22, 1991 �After receiving funding, Gays and Friends organized Gay Pride Week at UAH in June 1991. Exponent student newspaper, June 19, 1991 �Gays and Friends advertised their Pride Week events in the Exponent. Exponent student newspaper, June 19, 1991 �Do you have stories or materials documenting queer history at UAH? UAH Archives and Special Collections is the place for them! � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context UAH Archives and Special Collections Exhibits Title A name given to the resource UAH Archives and Special Collections Exhibits Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Gays_and_Friends_panels_FINAL Title A name given to the resource Gays and Friends: UAH's First LGBTQ Student Organization Description An account of the resource This exhibit was originally created for LGTBQ+ History Month during October 2022. It was on view in the lobby of the M. Louis Salmon Library. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Gibbons, Charlie Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2022-10 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 2020-2029 Subject The topic of the resource Gay pride celebrations Sexual minorities Student activities Student government University of Alabama in Huntsville Huntsville (Ala.) Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibits Language A language of the resource en Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives, Special Collections, and Digital Initiatives, Huntsville, Alabama https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/188/13447/spc_reis_000001_001.pdf e0b7cd528bc92f67930444a8d21a9b75 PDF Text Text �"Ui&A , f r M . f i , ( t u o u { i>J ( . Wr(^/ ~ BipL-Ing. £K Raisig f r r •( < ' r ? ^ r t 2£ �^ax^jUicA. Mik/nthjodt in UtfU wn Z1., to ^xrbard Sfotiia. 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( C^6, AmW flin/U/ vV)t hfalUAA/r ^M/(\(lX ffidj Vr frfiwi/d AUC$ ( \A <iAMA> ^ A^/* A uvW MWUv klAAAM/ (tAAAAAA, MAMAAaAM, Ht/ffelA/ HA&flod Mm IfiOuJy MMj ^4Aii ^ilji/jj/fiJr[ $<i li/r - iVtyrf ®/Hywl 1fydf\MAAMAA-{ MAoCfl AAA xifo % M Iw Uh 4m\*MUA» A Uv m WA uai atluou d* kh iOOOtA fouff^W A AAMAj it(uAM< ?$. j*friMk~AM* Ufa (AAUAA, hououu,! 1^6 ���������� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Gerhard Reisig Collection Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Gerhard Reisig Collection Description An account of the resource <p>Dr. Gerhard Reisig was born in Leipzig, Germany in 1910 and died in Moorhead, Minnesota in 2005. Reisig attended the Nikolaischule through high school. He received his engineering degree from the Technical University in Dresden, Germany, and he later earned his doctorate in engineering from the University of Braunschweig, Germany.</p> <p>After working for the Siemens Co. in Berlin for several years, Reisig joined the Wernher von Braun rocket team in Peenemuende, Germany. Brought to the United States through Operation Paperclip, Reisig moved with the team to El Paso, Texas in 1946 and then to Huntsville, Alabama in 1951. He first worked at the Army Ballistic Missile Agency, then at the Marshall Space Flight Center, remaining with the rocket team until his retirement.</p> <p>After retiring, Reisig taught for a year at Concordia College in Moorhead as a visiting professor of physics. He continued working on various projects and authored a comprehensive history of rocket technology. Reisig regularly participated in space-related meetings and gave lectures, and he maintained contact with scientists in many countries. Dr. Reisig is the author of "Raketenforschung in Deutschland."</p> Relation A related resource <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/resources/78">View the finding aid for the Gerhard Reisig Collection on ArchivesSpace</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context spc_reis_000001 Title A name given to the resource 1945-1946 Journal of Gerhard Reisig Dipl.-Ing. Description An account of the resource Gerhard Reisig Dipl.-Ing., later Dr. Gerhard Reisig, was a German-American rocket scientist that worked on the team of von Braun at Fort Bliss. This journal covers his journey to the United States under Operation Paperclip, and includes descriptions of his experience to and through his arrival on December 6th, 1946. In this journal, he discusses numerous parts of his travel and experience in the United States including the rail route taken by the group he was in, reviews of two films of the time, comments on fashion and American society, as well as periodic mentions of food culture especially early in the journal. He additionally copies several articles by hand, some in English, some translated, from periodicals, particularly Time magazine. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Reisig, Dr. Gerhard Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1940-1949 Subject The topic of the resource Reisig, Gerhard Aeronautical engineers Operation Paperclip (U.S.) Ocean travel Railroad travel--United States United States--Description and travel Fort Bliss (Tex.) Type The nature or genre of the resource Diaries Still Image Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Gerhard Reisig Collection University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives, Special Collections, and Digital Initiatives, Huntsville, Alabama Language A language of the resource de en Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Relation A related resource spc_reis_23_2 Has Format A related resource that is substantially the same as the pre-existing described resource, but in another format. <a href="http://libarchstor2.uah.edu/digitalcollections/items/show/13448">Transcript of 1945-1946 Journal of Gerhard Reisig Dipl.-Ing.</a> https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/188/13448/spc_reis_000001_transcript.pdf 640557532dee0dbe5c2a9936b325129a PDF Text Text [front cover] [sticker on the front cover] Freie Turnerschaft München Jugenddabteilung IV Protokollbuch 1/0768 Dipl.-Ing. G. Reisig [front inside cover] [stamp in bottom left of page] Max Bullinger München [page 1] [3 words illegible] 25 [2 words illegible] Markt 8 Berlin – Zehlendorf, Treibjagdweg 22 [bottom of page] Dipl.-Ing. G. Reisig [page 2] [blank page] [page 3] 1 Tagebuch. Aufenthalt in USA von 21. November 1945 Bis Gerhard Reisig. ----------------------------- 21. November 45: Sturz u. Bieber sind lieb u. lassen sich schon gegen �1900 ins Bettchen bringen, sodaß sie während meines Wegganges fest schlafen. Gerlinde haben wir gesagt, das Vati ganz früh zeitig wegfahren wird. Sie stellt mir in ihrem Bettchen nach den interessiert Fragen: „In welchem Bettchen schläfft du heute nacht?“ Ich sage, daß ich mich wahrscheinlich im Wohnzimmer auf die Couch legen wurde, um sie nachts beim Aufstehen nicht zu stören. Das akkzeptiert sie. „Aber welchen Decken deckst du dich zu?“ – Ich wurde schon eine finden! – „Nimmt doch die schwarze [page 4] 2 1945 vom Fenster hier!“ – Die hat doch Mutti hingehängt, damit es nicht so hereinzieht! – heil.: „Ach nein, die hat doch Mutti hingehängt, damit es dunkel hier dimmen wird, aber jetzt ist es doch schon ganz dunkel draußen! Du kannst dich ruhig damit zu decken!” Ich beruhige sie damit, daß ich meine Reisedecken nehmen werde. - …itels [?] Tränen sprechen genug für sich! Kurz vor 2000 kommen 2 trucks. Das Aufladen geht schnell, eben= so das Einsteigen. Gi reicht mir die Hand noch durch die Spalte zwischen Wegenwand u. Plane. Das Letzte ist ihr Hand Kuß beim Auflahen! – Bei seinem Schneetreiben geht’s rasch nach München. Etwa 2130 halt am Flughafengebäude Oberwiesenfeld (?) (jetzt, „America hotel“) für sich zur heimfahrt sammelnde amerikanische Soldaten [GI’s]). Verladen ein „Verlaufenzug“ München-Paris, in einem älteren deutchen D-ZugWagen 3. Klasse, aber wenigstens mit Fensterscheiben an den Außer= fenster. Es ist reichlich Platz, je Abteil nicht mehr als 4 Mann. Gepäck wird in einem Abteil ohne Fenster verstaut, bis auf meine Kisse, die vor der Eingangstür stehen bleiben muß! Es wird Bohnenkaffee mit Strietzel gericht. Außer Capt. Schardt fährt Scd. Lt. Spence [?] mit. 22. November.- Abfahrt von München 230. Ich wache etwa 800 kurz finden Ulm auf, als das Zug wieder in das Bahnhof zurückgeschoben wird, da um Strecke durch einen heißgelaufen Wagen im Vor= �[page 5] 1945 3 gängerzug gesperrt ist. Das Personenbahnhof bietet das gleiche trostlose Bild wie in Landshut. Im Morgendunst ist die Turm des Münchens zu erkennen. Er scheint gottseidank heil geblieben zu fein! – 1230 an Karlsruhe nachdem wir im Stuttgart herumgefahren sind und in Kornwestheim Aufenthalt hatten (Dort nach Osten fahrender Polen= zug, offenbar aus Frankreich kommennd). In Karlsruhe im Bahnhofs= hotel (unmittelbar gegenüber dem Bahnhof) vorzügliches, nach untern Begriffen üppiges Mittagessen; als Hauptgang Truthahn da Thanksgiving -day! Der Bahnhofsvorplatz bitetet das übliche deutsche Städtebild.: es liegen noch die Trümmer herum (keine allzu schweren beschä= digungen), als wäre eben ein Angriff vorbei. Die französiche Besatzung ist kaum zu spüren, es scheint alles von der Amerikanere beherscht (z.b. die Bahnsteigsperren). 1430 ab Karlsruhe. An der Strecke zwischen Karlsruhe u. Kehl fallen besonders die – irrsinniger Weise – fast aus= nahmslos zerstörten Brücken auf! Es kommen mehrere sehr hohe Viadukte, die vorläufig noch pioniermäßig geflickt sind; es wird aber wenigstens schon daran gebaut! In der Abenddämmerung: Kehl, anschließend über Rhein: wir sind aus Deutschland heraus! Haben der offenbar intakt gebliebener Eisenbahnbrücken liegt die gesprengte Stra= ßenbrücke im Wasser; mir scheint’s, als ein Symbol dafür, daß Europa [page 6] 4 1945 doch nun nach eine verstaubte Rumpelkammer sein sollte! In der Stadt, die wohl friedensmäßig beleuchtet war, überall Fahnen vielleicht wegen das Thanksgiving-day? Das Münster wurde plötzlich von grellem Scheinwerferlicht bis an die oberste Spitzen angestrahlt: wie für uns zum Abschied vom letzten Symbol deutschen Kulturbodens! �Oben am Knauf des Turnes weste die Trikolore!! – Ca. 2000 Saarburg: Abendbrot in amerikanischer, feldmäßiger Verpflegungsstation (neun Baracken) mit Massenabfertigung, gut organisiert. Zum ersten Male benutzen wir die Aluminium-„tables“ mit den zahlreichen „Fächern“. Es gibt nochmals Trüthahn! Bald danach Weiterfahrt nun mit typisch französischem „Husschepuff“ [?]. 23. November – 600 an Paris Ostbahnhof. Unter diesen Umständen sollte ich diesen also wiedersehen! Etwa 800 wieder wir in den amerikanischen Speisesaal geführt (im Bahnhof selbst). Man empfängt das Essen aus der Blechtafel am Büffet selbst, im übrigen bedienen zahlreicher meist junge Französinnen. Sie können offenbau doch eine ganze Menge Brocken deutsch; sie sind sehr neugierig u. fragen z.B., ob wir denn nicht „Prussiens“ seien? Es ist uns aber verboten uns zu erkennen zu geben. Nach dem Frühstück warten wir nach lange im Wagen aus dem Bahnsteig. Es macht einen merkwürdigen Eindruck, wieder [page 7] 1945 5 einmal völlig intakte, sauber Züge mit erstaunlich modernen D-Zugwagen zu fahren! Ein Schaffner hängt sogar Platzkarten auf!! Man rangiert uns stundenweise auf allen möglichen Rangier= bahnhöfen herum, sodaß wir zum Mittagessen nicht „an Land“ kön= nen; wir müssen mit C-rations vorlieb nehmen. Am Nachmittag rollen wir nach dem Güterbahnhof Stiber [?]. Lt. Spence [?] hat sich verdrückt, Capt. Schardt läßt uns schließlich allein, um Abendbrot zu organi= sieren. Schließlich halt es uns zwischen 1700 u. 1800 u. wir gehen über die Gleise zu einem geschlossenen Ringbahnhof („La Ceinture“), vor dort auf die Straße. In einem Omnibus werden wir wieder zum Ostbahn= hof gefahren, Mahlzeit wieder im amer. Speisesaal. Ruf der Ruckfahrt beschwatzen wir den Fahrer zu einem Umweg und fahren durch die �wohl nahezu friedensmäßig beleuchteten Straßen des Zentrums von Paris: Rue de la Fayette, Bvd. Des Italiens, Bvd. Haussmann, Opera, Café de la Paix, Gare de Lasare. 24. November – 230 Abfahrt von Gare Bandelin?, an einen Güter= zug gehängt. Es wird empfindlich kühl, da der wagen seit der An= kunft in Paris nicht mehr geheizt wird. Unterwegs langer halt auf einer kleinen Station, um die eleganten Triebwagen nach Le Havre durchzulassen; nebliges Wetter. 1200 Ankunft in Le Havre, [page 8] 6 1945 bei schönem Sonnenschein! Mittagbrot wieder in Form der Cration. Ca 1600 erscheinen 2 trucks, dabei Capt. Wooder, unser zureiter begleiter; Lt. Spence verläßt uns endgültig u. verspricht, unsere gute Ankunft in Le Havre nach Landshut zu kabeln. Mit den LKW’s geht’s durch die Stadt, die am Bahnhof kaum beschäftigt ist, nach dem Hafenviertel, wo fast kein Stein mehr auf dem anderen steht. Zahlreiche deutche Kriegsgefangene räumen auf. Unmittelbar am Strand stark betonierte deutsche Geschütztürme u. Mannschaftsbunker („Ziethee“ [?], „Seydlitz“, „Ludendorff“ usw.), sie wer= den auch abgerissen. dann steil hieraus zur Citadelle, jetzt amerikan. „Camp Home Run”. Unterbringung in offizierskasematte, in die wir eingesperrt werden. Sie besteht aus einem sauber getünchten Tonnengewölbe; sie liegt in bzw. unter der Umwallung. Betten sind ganz leidlich, mit Matratzen. Wärme gibt ein Kanonenofen in der Messe, von einem deutschen Kriegsgefangenen bedient. Unser Gepäck kommt sämtlich mit in dem Raum, es ist aber reich= lich Platz. Abendbrot in Wellblechbaracke mit sehr praktischen Tischen mit angebauten Bänken; am „Büffet“ ein ostasientischer (od. ostindischer) Koch und zahlreiche, schnellergänhige [?] Französinnen, die nach der �Essensausgabe im gleicher Raum essen. Sie schleppen beachtliche Menge [page 9] 1945 7 Getränke u. Speisen (Puddings usw.) nach Hause da dies doch sonst von den Amis nirgends zugelassen wird, scheint es ein „Faire amour“- Geschäft mit den Ami-Mannschaften zu fein; das ganze wake-up der Mädchen u. der kurz hafte Ton mit den Amis lassen darauf schließen. Wir selbst warden von den Mädchen freigebig „gefüttert“, sie bringen auch sofort wieder ihre deutschen Brocken an. 25. November – Gepäckrevision durch unsere Begleitoffiz., sehr großzü= gig. Beschilderung des Gepäcks u. Papierkrieg dazu. Anschließend „Ausgang“ auf der Umwallung. Schöner Blick auf die Seinebucht u. die südliche Steilküste. War der Hafeneinfahrt ein halbgesunkener Dampfer. Imponierend an der Citadelle sind eigentlich nur die Beiden mächtigen Torbögen mit dem dazwischenliegenden Wall= graben. Am Abend endlich wieder eine anständige Reinigung, so= weit das mit dem stark gechlorten Wasser möglich ist: warmes Brausebad! Die sonstige Waschgelegenheit ist sehr witzig: als Wasch= Becken dienen amerikanische Stahlhelme. Am Abend besucht uns ein kriegsgefangener deutscher Pfarre, der aus dem Hunsrück stammt u. der Deutschland nachrichten für feine Kameraden sammelt. 26. November die Kameraden beklagen sich besser, daß sie von zu Hause keine Post durch die Amis bekommen; sonst seien Behandlung [page 10] 8 1945 u. Verpflegung sehr gut. 26. November – Empfang amerikanischer Marketenderware. Besonders billig erscheinen uns die Rauchwaren – Impfung gegen „typhoid“ (Flecktyphus?) u. Pocken. – 1300 Abholung des Großgepäcks. �27. November – 1100 Mittagessen. – 1315 Verladung auf große LKW’s (Sattelschlepper), wir bekommen einen für uns. Alle Offiziere außen 2 Obersten die im großen „Feld“-PKW voran fahren werden ebenso Befördert! 4 [1 word illegible]-Mädchen (bis zu Majorsrang!) verabschieden sich von ihren Offizierskameraden ungeniert mit Mund-auf-MundKüssen ante coram publico! 1345 Ausfahrt aus Camp „Home Run“ durch das völlig zerstörte Wohnviertel Le Havres zu den Landeplätzen zwischen noch stehenden Bunkernsten ist eine riesige Kiesfläche aufgeschüttet, wo bereits alles von „GI“sx) [1 word illegible], die auf die Ein= schiffung wachen. Im nächsten Hafenbecken liegt ein großen, zwei= scharsteiniger Truppentransporter modernen Bauart schätzungsweise 25…30 000 to, mit dem wir leider nicht fahren werden. Vor uns fahren wir auf das Heck des Schiffes „Le Jeune“ (ehem. amerikan. General), das uns wesentlich kleiner erscheint. Später stellte sich heraus, daß das Schiff doch etwa 17 000 to hat. Es dämmerte bereits, als wir an Bord gingen. Dort ein fürchterliches Gewimmel, wann [footnote at bottom of page] „GI“ = „government issue“ so. „general issue“. [page 11] 1945 doch etwa 4700 passagiere an Bord! Unterbringung in einer Kabine im „main-deck“ an Backbord, die Bullaugen sind alle „verna gelt, nur künstliches Richt u. künstliche Belüftung! Die Raum ist nahezu völlig ausgefüllt mit Betten: 33 Stühle in 3 Etagen! Wir haben noch 10 GI’s dazubekommen für die augeblich sonst kein Platz wäre! Inden Nachbarkabinen (nach achtern zu) liegen Leut= nante u. Oberleutnante, Rote Kreuz-Führer, Fähnriche. Wir essen ein Deck tiefer in der eigentlichen „crew-mess-hall“, die jetzt für die jüngeren Offiziere bestimmt ist. Polonaise am Büffet wie üblich. Bemerkenswert ist, daß man das Geschirr auch selbst 9 �abzulegen hat; die Platte wird an einer Abfalltone entleert, [1 word illegible] der halbe (u. auch ganze!) Mahlzeiten verschwinden, anschließend muß man sie in Seifenwasser abpinseln. Die eigentliche Reini= gung erfolgt in Abwaschmachinen. Es ist schon jetzt ziemlich schwül in der Messe; erfrischend ist das gekühlte Süßwasser aus der Wasserspendern. – Die Befehlserteilung erfolgt über Lautspre= cheranlage, Befehle warden durch mehr oder weniger phantasievolles, schilles pfeifen angekündigt. Zum Zapfenstreich u. zum Wecken wird mit Begeisterung trompetet. Die Betten sind gut, anständige Matratzen. 2200 licht aus! [page 12] 10 1945 28. November – 815 legt das Schiff, fast unmerklich, ab. So nüchtern ist also die Abschied von Europa! Es ist auch noch dämmrig. Nachmittags an Steuerbord am Horizont Hügel der englischen Küste. Der Schiffsverkehr ist ziemlich rege. „Abandon-ship“-Übung. Man wird an die Stelle geführt, wo das vorbestimmte Rettungsfloß hängt (unseres am „Promenadendeck“ backbord). Bei jedem Ver= lassen der Kabine müssen wir jetzt Schwimmgürtel tragen. 29. November – das Schiff schaukelt schon beinahe unangenehm; seitliche Bewegung ca±4°. Bei mehrenen Leuten Magenverstim= mungen, auch ich fühle mich elend u. schlafe fast den ganzen Tag. Immerhin halte ich mich damit soweit zusammen, das ich keine von den drei Mahlzeiten zu versäumen brauche. Übel wirkt sich bei diesem zustande aus, daß die Schiffskoch so entsetzlich süß und weichlich ist. Auch als der erste Aufenthalt auf dem Prome= nadendeck gestattet ist, wird er in diesem Zustand nicht zur Erholung. Nach Tisch wieder „Abandon-ship“-Übung. Himmel düster. 30. November. – Schiffslage ruhiger, Sonnenschein. Ich fühle mich �erheblich wohler, habe aber noch großes Schlafbedürfnis. Die Laune wird einem an Deck, besonders vormittags, durch den Lautspre= cheranlage verdorben; Geisttötende Chorelmelodien bei der Morgenen= [page 13] 1945 dacht u. irrsinniges Schlagergequietsche danach, eine äußerst unangenehm Nervenbelastung! Nachmittags wird vom „Liberty“Schiff, das von Antwerpen kommt u. das wir überholt haben, ein kranken GI (mit Blinddarmentzündung) übernommen. Das Schiffsmanöver mit dem Boot, das den Kranken vom anderen Schiff holte, war nicht sehr vertrauenerweckend für die amerikanische Marine! Die hätten doch den armen Kerl, in der Luft baumelnd lassen bald noch an der Bordwand umgebracht! Die Operation selbst soll gut verlausen sein. – Position 42-02 nördl. Breite 20-31 westl. Länge. 1. Dezember. – Sonnenschein! Die Dünung wird im Laufe des Tages immer länger, mas sich auf die Schiffslage u. auf unsere Zustand ungünstig aus wirkt, sehr ermüdend. Nachmittags werden backbord zwei sehr gebirgige, bewaldete Azoreninseln sichtbar, an denen wir mit 5…10 km Abstand vorüber fahren. Position: 40-47 nördl. Breite, 29-31 westl. Länge, also bereits in der Breite Newyorks (u. Neapols!). Noch 2079 Meilen (≈3350 km) bis Newyork zu fahren. Die Luft ist fast unangenehm weich! Am Abend kaum erträgliche Wärme in der Kabine trotz Dauerbelüftung. 4. Dezember. – In der vergangenen Nacht schweres Rollen, sodaß im Deck unter uns die Brocken schwer u. mit Getöse durcheinander [page 14] 12 1945 flogen, u. wir selbst in den Betten unangenehm hin u. her rollten. – Vormittags wieder „typhoid“-Impflung, ziemlich 11 �schwere Dosis offenbar, denn uns aller wird für mindestens 1 Tag der rechte Arm lahmgelegt, Dobrick u. Heller bekommen erheblich Fieber. – Vormittags am Horizont steuerbord Dampfer aus gegen= kurs. Die See wird zusehends ruhiger. 5. Dezember. – Erheblich abgekühlt, trübe; wohl bereits Einfluß der kontinentalen Wetterbedingungen! Es fliegen die ersten Möwen wieder hinter dem Schiff! – Nach Tisch „Schwanzparade“ durch urkomischen, kleinen Arzt im Oberfeldarztrang. Wir stehen nackehei in Decken gehüllt in der Kabine. Der Arzt spricht kaum Deutsch, Rudolph versteht kaum Englisch, u. als er nicht weiß was Der Arzt von ihm will, ruft der Arzt nur: „Schwanz”!, vorauf eindeutige Verständigung erzielt vor. – Für Abend wird Sicht aus Newyork angekündigt, es ist aber dann schlechtes Wetter. – Die Offi= ziere werden spürbar gesprächiger, obwohl am ersten Tage durch Lautsprecher angesagt worden war, daß wir deutsche Wissenschaft= ler im Auftrage des War department seien u. niemand mit uns sprechen dürfe. Bereits am ersten Abend sprach ich aber mit einem jünger, sympAthischer Oberleutnant, der mich vor der [page 15] 1945 Landkarte der USA ansprech. Er war Petroleumingenieur u. lebte in Arizona. Er fand es vollkommen natürlich u. beurteilte es absolut objektiv, daß wir in USA arbeiten werden; von Haß kei= nerlei Spur! Heute sprach mich an Deck ein junger Captain von südländischem Aussehen an (er war griechischer Abstammung, wie sich herausstellte), der nach 3(!) fahren endlich nach Amerika zu= rückkehren. Nach 8 Tagen werde er entlassen. Er habe an 2 „uni= versities“ Maschinenbau studiert, will aber nun anscheinend eine Tracktorenstation betreiben. Er meinte, es würde uns bereits 13 �noch kurzer Zeit in USA sehr gut gefallen („you’ll like it!“), wir würden eine gute Zukunft haben u. sehr bald unsere Fa= milien nach drüben holen können. Als Ingenieure würden wir ein gutes Einkommen haben. Von daß od. auch nur Voreingenom= menheit also keine Spur, im Gegenteil, man fühlte eine eindeutige Hochachtung vor der deutschen Wissenschaft im Allge= meiner u. vor der deutschen Technik im Besonderen! Das ist also die Anschauung des natürlich empfindenden u. geradlienig denkende US-Amerikaners! Eigentlich haben die Leute doch ein gesundes, unbeeinflußtes, also selbständiges u. nicht ver= krampftes Urteil! Ein Rotes Kreuz-Führer ließ sich seine „eroberte“, [page 16] 14 1945 hochfeudal ausgerüstete Leica III („Luftwaffeneigentum“!) erklären. Er war die Freundlichkeit selber. Also auch bei einem Nichttechniker spürte man die rein sachliche Einstellung zu uns, die auf einer, vielleicht sogar unbewußsten, Schätzung unserer Leistungen beruht. 6. Dezember. – Heute ist Ankunftstag! Frühzeitig sind alle auf den Beinen, besonders die Amis in unserer Kabine tun bereits lange vor dem Wecker so, als wären sie allein im Raume! Sie sind uns überhaupt in den letzten Tagen urheblich aus die Nerven gefallen; das Zusammenwohnen war eine recht unfreundliche Beigabe für die Überfahrt! Sie hackten mit immer mehr GI’s zusammen, sodaß man kaum noch treten konnte, qualmten ununterbrochen fast sogar die ganze Nacht hindurch u. waren im ganzen doch richt unappetitlich unsauber; abgesehen vom ewigen Krakeelen. – Etwa 900 werden wir mit Kriminalpolizei – nachdem das Schiff etwa 840 am Pier �fastgemacht hatte,- in unsere Kabine gesperrt. Von der Einfahrt in der Hafen war wegen das schlechten Wetters soweite nichts zu sehen – von Freiheitsstatue keine Spur – nur durch das Bullauge des „transport office“ konnte ich ein wenig von [page 17] 1945 der Hudsonufer (endlos farikbesäumt!) u. den Piers sehen. Reporter, auch weibliche, strömen an Bord. An uns läßt sie die Kripo nicht heran; sie fragen die GI’s nach uns aus, aber offen= bar, ohne etwas Bedeutsames zu erfahren. – Etwa 1315 ausgezeich= nete „sandwiches“ (sprich: belegte Boote!) u. – welche Labsal – einen Streifen saure Gurke (!) erhalten. Kurz darauf, etwa 1340, von Bord, durch einem Kordon von Kriminalpolizei, über einen überdeckten Laufsteg, in eine Ladehalle. Die Überfahrt hat also 8 Tage u. 1½ Stunde gedauert, einschließlich des Aufenth= halts auf See zur Übernahme des Kranken. Im Grunde haben wir die Überfahrt doch mit einem deutschen Schiff gemacht: die „Le Jeune“ ist nämlich die „Windhuk” der „Deutschen AfrikaLinie“, sie ist von den Amis im Kriege in einem südameri= kanischen Hafen geschnappt worden („purchased“ nennen das die Amis!), nachdem vorher angeblich zum Traß [?] des „Graf Spee“ u. zur U-Boots-Untersützung im Südatlantik gehört hatte! – In der Ladehalle würden wir sogleich in einen bereitstehenden Omnibus geführt. Dorte reichten mittelältliche sehr liebenswürdige Rotes Kreuz-ladies Kaffee, Milch u. bergeweise Schnitzel. Bald ging’s las, unsere Eskorte war wieder beachtlich: außer Major Wooden nach ein [page 18] 16 1945 überaus freundlicher, ältlicher transportation-major (Der 15 �später auf die Central-station werklich stolz war!) u. wenigstens 3 Kripo-Beamte! Wir führen erste durch „Allerwelts“-Hafenstraße sehr bald aber aus einem „highway“ entlang den Piers am Hudsen von da relative freier Blick auf die Stadt u. auf Wolkenkratzer, deren Oberheile in den Wolken staken. Schon aus den sichtbaren Teilen der Wolkenkratzer war zu erkommen daß ihre Architektur im allgemeinen doch durchaus architektonisch u. ästhetisch befrie digend ist, besonders, wann man die anderen amerikanischen Bau-„Leistungen“ damit vergleicht! Von highway ging’s auf die 42th Ave., offenbar eine der bedeutenderen Geschäftsstraßen. Auffällig war die Straßenbahn mit Strom-(Mittel-)schiene u. die üppigen Schaufenster-Auslagen. Von den Fronten der Wolken= kratzer konnten wir von den Autobussitzen aus ja nicht viel sehen, es ging eben nur unerhört in die Höhe! Bemerkenswert war ferner die irrlichternde Lichtreklame auch am hellen Tage; besonders auffällig an einer Stelle, wo etwa 5…6 große Kinos unmittelbar nebeneinander legen. In die New York Centralstation fuhren wir von hinten hinein. Neger fungieren als „gelehrt“ aussehende Gepäckträger; wir müssen unsere Sachen aber [page 19] 1945 selbst schleppen, da wir ja noch kein amerikanisches Geld haben! Die Empfangshalle der „Central-station“ wirkt tatsächlich impo= nierend: ein einsiges Tonnengebwölbe, matt hell-olivengrün gefärbt mit allegorischen goldenen Sternenbildern. Dagegen wirken selbst die Empfangshallen des Leipziger Hauptbahnhofes wie eine halbe Portion, zumindest im Ansehen ärmlich. Es ist hier alles blitzsauber, die Bahnsteige liegen alle unterirdisch, gänzlich abgeschlossen; der Bahnbetrieb ist voll elektrisch. Wir steigen 17 �in den letzten (Sonder-)Wagen des Zuges nach Boston. Gepolsterte Einheitsklasse; wir haben reichlicht Platz, noch üppigen ist die Beleuchtung. 1500 Abfahrt. Lange Zeit verläuft die Strecke unterir= disch. Wir seigen im den Vorstädten ans Tageblicht. Die sind erschüt= teru häßlich! Jude Opur von städtabaulicher oder architektonischästhetischer Gestaltung des Einzelhauses fehlt! Es ist des trostlos u. niederschmetternd! Dazu noch der Deck in den hinterhöfen, als wir durch ein Negerviertel haben! Es gibt nur einen kümmer= lichen Vergleich: die häßlichsten sächlischen Industriestädte ins „Millionenstädtische“ übersetzt! Zum Grauen, wenn man’s nicht gewohnt ist! Die Stadt löst sich allmählich auf, es kommen „Villen“-Vor= orte. Die „Villen“ sind für unsern Begriffe recht primitive, zum grö= [page 20] 18 1945 ßten Teil „bessern“ Lauben, architektonisch meist wertlos. Nur die Lage ist oft sehr hübsch, wie in einer Parklandschaft. Die Grund= stücke haben meist keine Zäune. Ausfallend sind die Betonstraßen u. die Verkehrssignale auch im kleinen Ortschaften bzw. Ansiedlungen die Landschaft ist leicht gewallt, meist parkartig, ab u. zu Laubwälder mit intensiv goldgelben Färbung. Viel Wasserflächen, rechts im einiger Entfernung die Küste. In den Ortschaften u. öfters auch außerhalb zahleniche Fabriken, meist modern gebaut, sauber gefallen u. immer meist überreichlich beleuchtet. Von den Werken, besonders auffällig vor den kleineren, parkende Wagen mit moistens sehr mo= dernen Linien. – In den freien Flächen u. an der BahnkörperBöschung tritt oft der nacken Fels zutage. Der Fels-wohl glacial abgeschliffen liegt wie große Schildkrötenpanzer in der Wiesen. Bald wird’s dunkel. Größere Sation: Providence, mit scheinwer ferangestrahlten „Capital“. Ca 2000 Ankunft in Boston, bei �sollem Regen. Unser zug war von zwei dieselelektrischen Loks gefahren. MP (Military police) geleitet uns bei gesperrten Bahnsteigzugängen zur Gepäckanfuhrt, wo wir in 2 Lkw verladen werden. Wooden, der in Le Havre nach zum Major befördert wurde, u. Schardt, der im Boston zu hause ist (er ist Komman[page 21] 1945 19 dant des Lagers in Oberursel, wo Prof. Stieren u. Rosinski schändlich untergebracht waren!) bleiben zurück. Es geht nicht weit, zu einem Holzschuppen, wo uns eröffnet wird, daß Fort Strong auf einer klei= nen Insel lieft, etwa ½ Std. mit dem Boot zu fahren. Beim Einstei= gen im das Boot erkannte ich erst, daß Boston eome Hafenstadt ist: an einem turmartigen Hochhaus – eins der Wahrzeichen Bostons – blinkte ein rotes Leuchtfeuer! Im hafen sehr viele Schiffe beim Löschen u. Laden, helle Beleuchtung; auch ein schweres Kriegsschiff. In der Bucht zahlreiche frei ankernde Schiffe. Der Regen strömte wie aus Gießkannen, dazu steife Brise, als wir an einer kleinen Anlagestelle „Fort Strong“ wieder an Land gingen. Kurzer Fußweg, zum Teil durch reisige Pfützen, zu einem hell angestrahlten, mehr= stöckigen, mastiren Gebäude. Empfang durch zwei junge GI’s, sehr gut deutsch sprechend (Juden). Quartier finde ich in einem sauber hergerichteten Saal mit Abteilen, die durch pappene [?] spanische Wände gebildet werden, zusammen mit 13 Kameraden. T„alle Knecker“ schlafen in 2 kleineren Zimmer. Dampfheizung ist zwar vorhanden; da wir aber unerwartet (!!) kommen, ist es noch kühl. Kaltes Abendbrot, serviert von deutschen Kriegsgefangenen, die eigens Zum Kochen, Bedienen u. Instandhalten hier sind. Vor dem Schla= [page 22] 20 1945 �fengehen schöne waren Dusche die den ganzen Tag uber betriebs= fähig ist. 7. Dezember. – Am Vormittag großer Papierkrieg mit Ausfüllen von unerschöpflichen Fragebögen unter Assistenz von einsam Schwere von Übersetzern, fast alles jüngern Juden! Nach Tisch Fingerabdrücke von allen 10 Fingern! – Die erste, erhebliche Entfäuschung erleben wir dadurch, daß man uns je Nacht $1,20 einbehalten wird! v. Braun u. Axster hätten auch schon Sturm dagegen galaufen,- erzählt uns Earlsson der Leiter der hiesigen Intelligence service-Gruppe-bisher leider aber vergeblich. Ein ärgelicher Reinfall! Außer uns sind nach 7 Deutsche „Wissenschaftler“ hier. Unter ihnen ist nur ein mir bekannten: Theo Sturm, …mühle [?] seligen Andenkens! Er ist vom …ch [?] Signal Coetts [?] mit Flug= zeug, zusammen mit v. Braun, Schwidetzky usw. Hergebraucht werden u. wartet seit dem 18. September auf seine Verwen= dung! Sein Betreuer ist Prof. Haley vom Massachusets Institute of Technology (engebl. Inhaber der dortigen Lehrstuhles s. Fernneldeteche.). 8. Dezember. – Die deutschen Kriegsgefangenen hatten uns zu ei= nem sonntäglichen Fußballspiel aufgefordert. Zum Abendessen geb ihr Sprechen eine Erklärung ab: „Wir lehnen es ab, mit ihner [page 23] 1945 Fußball zu spielen! Wir sind Antifaschisten u. Deserteure u. wollen nichts zu tun haben mit solchen, die immer noch faschistisch den= ken u. hörig sind! Solche, die sagen, in Deutschland schwimme jetzt sie Schlacke obere, sind immer noch Faschisten!“ Wir betrachten das ganze al seine Unverschämtheit, die scheinbaren sachlichen Differenzen al sein Mißverständnis. Der Sprecher der Kriegsgefangenen entschuldigt sich, als er von Lindenburg u. Debus zur Rade gestellt 21 �wird. 9. Dezember. – Abends Vortrag von GI Lalm (Jude) über ameri= kanische Maßsysteme. Vorführung eines Bildstreifens des Bureau of Standards. 10. Dezember. – Nach Tisch endlich Passbild-Aufnahmen durch Zivilfotograf. – Abends zum ersten Male Kino. Kurzfilme recht mäßiger Art, Mickymaus lebt hier immer noch in aller Frische! Auschließend stehende Bilder von der USA-Nationalparks. Am Nachmittag führte der GI Lederer (Wiener Jude) Schallplatten mit Kompositionen des in Amerika berühmten Newyorker Kompo= nisten Gerschwin vor. Sein berühmtetses Werk ist die Klavierkom= position „Rhapsodie in Blue“; erscheint mir stark an Chopin an= gelehnt. Auch sonst kam ich nichts Originalles entdecken. [page 24] 22 1945 11. Dezember. – Den größten Teil unserer reichlich bemessenen Zeit verbringen wir mit dem Lesen amerikanischer Zeitungen u. Zeitschriften. Es gibt darin immer wieder interessante Fast= stellungen zu machen. Wir erfahren darin zum ersten Male Ge= neueres über amerikanische Warenverknappungen. Für die ersten H Monate 1946 wird eine Zuckerration von 5 Pfund je Kopf ange= Kündigt. Man liest auch von neuerlicher Butterknappheit, u. eine Leserin beschwert sich, daß deutsche Kriegsgefangene Schinken be= kämen, den die amerikanischen Hausfrauen während der letzten Fahre überhaupt nicht zu sehen bekommen fallen! Auch die 1946er Modelle der PKW’s u. der Rundfunkgeräte werden als noch nicht lieferbar angezeigt. G. Wirshing schreibt im „Maßloten Kontinent”, daß der Schönheitskult der amerikanischen Frau das Einzige sei, waren �sich ein ästhetisches Empfinden der Amerikaner äußern. Bemer= kens wert ist dazu ein Artikel im „Time“ (46[1945]30, Nr. 18) vom 25. Okt. 45 über die neusten Pariser Herbstmoden, der nicht recht im Einklang steht mit der angeblich in USA herrschenden puritanischen Prüderin, u. der im Gegenteil ein natürliches Interesse für den Frauenkörper als Schönheitsideal bekundet. Es frißt dort: [page 25] 1945 23 „In den gedrängten, blumengedeckten Salons der Pariser Spitzen-Kostümschneider (couturiers) gingen die ersten großen Nachkriegs-Schauen der neuen Herbstmoden Tag für Tag von sich…. Als in der letzten Woche die Bilder der neuen Modelle in USA eintraten, prüften die USA-Entwerfer um zu sehen, was auskommt u. was aus der Mode kommt (what was up and what was down)…. Der Halbausschnitt (neckline) war eindeutig (definitely) tief (down): der am meisten bemerkenswerte Zug vor die ‘Wieder= einsatzung (restoration) des Busens’ sowohl be idem Abend=wie bei den Tageskleidern. Lucien Lelong begrüßte das als „die Wie= derentdeckung der Gestalt des Körpers, unter nachdrücklicher Beto= nung der Büste“…. [this is a direct translation of an excerpt from an article in Time Magazine, you can read the original English here: FASHIONS: Something Old, Something New - TIME] 12. Dezember. – Klares himmel, es ist sehr kalt, der Wind blast eisig über die Insel.- Nun haben wir es auch schwarz auf weiß, was wir sind! Prof. Otto Hahn, Kaiser-Wilhelm-Inst. F. Chemie, der „ElementeSpalter“, ist in USA, u. über ihn schreibt die „Time“ vom 26. Nov. 45 (46[1945]90, Nr. 22), da er den Chemie-Nobelpreis 1944 verliehen Bekommen hat: „Der 1944er Preis für Chemie fiel an den Pionier Der Atomspaltung, Prof. Otto Hahn, 66, vormalig in Berlin. Hahn kam 1933 nach USA, um für ein Jahr im Cornell zu lessen. Man glaubt, �[page 26] 24 1945 daß er gegenwärtig in USA ist, unser verschiedenen Umständen. Wo er jetzt ist, kömmen die USA-Wissenschaftler nicht sagen, u. die Regierungsautoritäten wollen (will) es nicht sagen. Falts (if) er Einer der deutschen Wissenschaftler ist, die als „lebener Wieder= gutmachung“ („human reparations”!) nach USA eingeführt (imported!) wurden, so würden zum ersten Male ein Nobelpreis einem scheinbaren (virtual) Kriegsgefangenen zuerkannt werden sein. Als Prof. Hahn seine erste Atomspaltung durchführte, war er der Leiter des Chemischen Kaiser Wilhelm Institutes. Später, unter den Nazis, arbeitete das Institut sehr intensive (furiously), um eine Atombombe zu konstruieren, die auf seiner Entdeckung ba= sierte“. [this is a direct translation of an excerpt from an article in Time Magazine, you can read the original English here: Science: Nobel Prizewinners - TIME] Unter zukünftiger „Platz“, El Paso, hat auch sein season, u. bezeichnender Weite als Ort in der subtropischen Zone, im Winterwie [?] eine Anzeige im „Time“ vom. 26. Nov. 45 [46(1945)86, Nr. 22] besagt. Es scheint ein „Karnival”-Rummel zwischen Weihnachten u. Neujahr zu sein. Ob wir noch etwas davon mitbekommen werden? Die Anzeige lautet: „Be in El Paso for the Sun Carnival Sun Bowl Game – New years festivities [page 27] 1945 Joyous celebrations – Old times day. Thrills! Glamour! Regal Courts! Carnival spirit, Mexico’s languid romance, the West’s stirring virility. Four fun-packed days in warm, dry, sunny El Paso, 25 �Climaxed by New Year’s famed “Sun Bowl” cham= pionship Football Game, confirmed housing reservations essential here. El Paso Sunland Club 306 San Francisco Street El Paso, Taseas Sunshine Playground of the Border”. [this is a one-to-one copy of an advertisement from Time magazine; You can see the original here: Page 87 - Nov. 26, 1945, No. 22 - The Vault - TIME] Auch für die Sunshine-season in Florida (Miami-beach etc.) wird Eine mächtige Reklame in zeitungen u. zeitschriften gemacht. Ob das aber nicht-wie der Riviere-Ausenthalt im Europa-eine Ange= legenheit für die „besseren“ Leute ist, nachdem entpfohlen wird, mit dem Flugzeug dorthin zu reisen? 13. Dezember. – Heute wird zum ersten Male Löhnung ausgezahlt. Die Zahlmeisterei scheint in der US-terms genau so stur zu sein wie beim deutschen Kommiß! Nach unserer Berechnung halten $1,50; das Defizit ergebt sich aus ein kleinlichen Berechnung das An= kunststages in Newyork, wo wir ja erst 900 am Pier anlegten! [page 28] 26 1945 15. Dezember. – Es hat reichlich geschneit, die Luft ist ruhig u. neblig. – Die Amis stellen uns nach Tisch einen Rundfunkgerät zur Verfügung, damit wie die Übertragung der „Meistersinger“ aus der Metropolitan-Oper, New York, hören können. Die Übertra= gung ist wenig befriedigund, offenbar genügt das Kabel zwischen Newyork u. Boston (wir hörten den Bostoner Sender) unseren Qualitätsansprüchen nicht. Die Sendung wurde von der StandardOil-Company finanziert! Am Abend sendete Boston das Klavier= konzert G-Dur von Beethoven, eine ausgezeichnete Übertragung, �das Konzert wurde im Boston selbst gegeben. Solist war Borowski. Das Wochenprogramme der Metropolitan ist erstaunlich klassisch, oder sogar Deutsch! In einer Woche wurden gespielt: Meistersinger, Lohengrin, Tannhäuser, Fidelio, Barbier v. Sevilla, Rigoletto, La Traviata! Die „Wagen-Ära“ an der Metropolitan soll ein Verdienst das Kanadischen Generalintendanten (früherer Opernsänger) Edward Johnson sein, Der damit die „Italienische Ära“ der Metropolitan ablöste u. zugleich deren sehr gefährdete wirtschaftliche Existenz sieherte („Time“ v. 10. Dez. 45 [46(1945)65, H. 24]. Wagners „Ring“ wird in diesem Jahre zum ersten Male seit 1924 gespielt! Johnson hat auch wesentliche, bedeu= tungsvolle international Künstler an die Metropolitan gesagt: Als [page 29] 1945 27 Dirigenten Fritz Busch u. Bruno Walter, als Sänger z.B. Lauritz Mel= chior u. Torsten Ralf! Nach dem Abendbrot Vortrag von GI Meyer über amerikanische „Ver= fassung“. Tatsächlich schilderte er im wesentlichen das amer. Wahls…[?]. Neues brachte er eigentlich nicht. Die Diskussion ergab die sachenvollen [?] Probleme, die USA zur zeit hat: Beteitigung der Arbeitslosigkeit! Wa= rum gegenwärtig Kampf um der Full-employing-bill, d. Staatsgaran= tie für Beschäftigung Aller („Recht aus Arbeit“). Notwendigkeit einer Planwirtschaft, d. h. Entwicklung zum Staatssozialismus oder=kapita= lismus. Unmöglickeit eines halbstfunktionierenden, natürlichen Außenhandels, da USA gütermäßig hast völlig saturiert ist u. kaum ein Land der Well andere zahlmittel außer Waren besitzt!. 16. Dezember. – Es seht bei blauem himmel wieder dieser eisige Wind über die Insel, daß man sich kaum was Haus getraut! – Zahlreiche gute Rundfunksendungen: Vormittags Klaviersonate von Beethoven (Pathetique); Nachmittags u. Abends: Les Préludes v. List (wieder schlechte �Übertragung aus Newyork!), Weihnachtsmusik v. Corelli, Violinkonzert A-Dur v. Mozart, letzten beide aus Boston, ausgezeichnet. 17. Dezember. – Immer noch fahrt der Sturm eisig über die Insel! - Nachmittags seilt und GI Meyer mit, daß wir in 2…3 Tagen [page 30] 28 1945 abreisen werden! Nach den Äußerungen von Carlsson hatten wir angenommen, wir würden auch über Weihnachten hier bleiben. Einen Anhalt dafür bieten die Anzeigen der Eisenbahngesellschaft= ten in den Zeitungen, die aus die Überfüllung u. Verkehrsschwierig= keiten über Weihnachten hinweisen. Besonders überlastet seine die Zuge von der Pazifikküste nach dem Open, wagen der aus Süd= ten u. Ostasien rückkehrenden GI’s. Es gibt hier überhaupt noch Ei= senbahnsorgen, die uns kaum mehr verständlich sind: Es gibt z. B. noch keine durchgehenden Züge von Küste zu Küste, besonders keine Schlafwegenzüge! Eine Eisenbahngesellschaft veröffentlichte eine gro= ße Anzeige in einer Zeitschrift, daß sie bereit sei, mit anderen Gesellschaften über die Einführung von Küste-zu-Küste-Zügen zu Verhandeln u. mit ihren zusammenzuarbeiten! General Motors veröffentlicht eine ganzseitige Anzeige über der Autoarbeiterstreik um sich zu rechtfertigen u. die Schuld auf die EFD zu schieben. Dieser Artikel ist auch sonst soziologisch interessant: Es wird mitgeteilt daß das mittlere Einkommen der GM-Angehä…[?] *) Anfang 1941 etwa $57,- wöchentlich betragen habe. Die hätten den Arbeiterm einen neuen Lohn von ca $63,5 angeboten, den sie abgelehnt hätten, da sie einen 52-Stunden-Wochenlohn bei einer [footnote at bottom of page] *) Arbeiten in Stundenlohn! [page 31] 1945 29 �40-Arbeitstunden-Woche forderten. Die Stachfrage nach GM-Erzeug= nissen sie aber so groß, daß die Arbeitszeit des Krieges, nämlich 45…48 Wochenstunden ausrecht erhalten werden könne. Das Angebot der GM auf Steigerung des Stundenlohnes um 13,5 cents bedeute einen Lohn= zuwachs um 33% gegenüber Januar 1941, während die Lebenshaltungs= kosten nach der Mitteilungen der USA-Regierung auch um 33% gestie= gen seien. Die UAW-CIO ferdene [?] aber 30% Steigerung der jetzigen Löhne d. s. ~ 36,5 cents je Stunde. In einer kleineren Anzeige der GM wird der Milchmann heran= gezogen, der einer wohlhabenden Hausfrau eine Flasche Milch schenkt. mehr aufhalst, nur weil die zahlungsfähiger ist als andere Kinder. So vierhielten sich auch die UAW-CIO gegenüber GM – sagt GM! – sie ver= langten mehr von GM, da die Firma bessern Geschäfte gemacht haben – das heißt aber wohl: Gewinnbeteiligugng der Arbeitnehmer, zu der man sich in Deutschland in einigen Fällen sogar schon durchgerungen falle (Zeiß!). 18. Dezember. – Die Zeitung brachte heute ein schändliches Bild: der deutsche General Anton Dostler wird in Italien von amerikanischen Soldaten an einen Pfahl gebunden, um erschaffen zu werden, da er auf Befahl seines. Vorgesetzten (Kesselring?) die Anweisung zur Erschießung von 15 amerikanischen Soldaten ohne Kriegsgerichtsver= [page 32] 30 1945 fahren gegeben habe. Wo hat es so etwas schon jemals in einer Armee gegeben, daß ein Offizier beim Standgericht gefesselt wurde? Kann so eine Schmach vergessen werden? Auch der moralische Kredit der USA dürfte von der Welt nicht unbegrenzt sein! Am Abend – genau: 19.37 – totale Mondfinsteris! Da der eisige Wind den Himmel blank sagten war das Schauspiel gut zu sehen. Die amerikanischen Astronomen waren über das Wetter an= �geblich beglückt, da sie noch eimem Mond-Satelliten suchen. Totale Verfinsterung: 2040, ende: 2303. 19. Dezember : Mächtiger Schneesturm; man kann kaum 20m weit sehen; Der Schnee „fällt“ horizontal#! Die Bostoner zeitungen einnen den Wetterumschwung mit diesem Bemerkenswerten Schneesturm bereits „Blizzard“! In Boston sind dabei 2 Menschen umgekommen. 20. Dezember : Heute wird uns nun offenbart, daß wir über die Feiertage doch hier bleiben! Die Begleitoffiziere werden aus Aberdeen erwartet u. bringen vier unserer Leute mit, die gemeinsam mit uns nach Fort Bliss fahren sollen. Die Reise in der Weihnachts= zeit ist den Begleitere offenbar zu unbequem! Sind also die Zei= tungsanzeigen wegen der Reiseunbequamlichkeiten doch abschrek= kender gemeint! – Wir beginnen, eine kleine Weihnachtsfeier [page 33] 1945 31 Zu improvisieren: zuerst durch Wahl eines „Festausschusses“, sodann durch Ausgeben einer Alkoholbestellung! 24. Dezember. – Ca. 2100 Weihnachtsfeier. Der Leseraum mit seiner langen, weißgedeckten Tafel, dem Weihnachtsbaum – leider ohne Lichter, da diese angeblich in USA allgemein wegen der Feuersge= fahr verboten sind! – u. den vielen Kerzen auf dem Tisch geben wirklich ein stimmungsvolles Äußeres! Wir beginnen mit einem Preludium (Largo) von Carnelli, Debus am transportabler Harmoni= um, ich Geige;- danach „Stille Nacht, helige Nacht-“, gemeinsam: Wohl das deutscheste der Weihnachtslieder! Übrigens ist dieses Lied auch das Weihnachtslied der Amerikaner „Holy night, silent night-“; ob der deutsche Einfluss im Lande hier einmal als guter Geist ge= wirkt hat? – Hintze – in seiner pastoralen Art wie geschaffen dazu! – spricht Starte des weihnachtslichen Gedenkens: Entbehren wir doch gerade �Angesichts von Weihnachtsbaum u. Kerzenschein gerade anz beson= ders Frau u. Kinder, kommt uns auch besonders der immere Wert dieser menschlichen Bindungen u. ihre Bedeutung als seelische Qualle der Gemütskräfte zum Bewußtsein! Möge uns das Schick= sal gönnen, dass wir zum nächten Weihnachtsfest wieder frohen Herzens mit unseren Lieben zusammen sind! – GI Meyer – als [page 34] 32 1945 Vertreter der Morale Section das hiesigen CIC (Counter Intelligence Corps) hielt eine sage geschickte Ansprache. Es sei seine erste Weih= nachtsfeier (als Jude), er erhoffe eine Verständigung der Menschen im Sinne der „Bergpredigt“. Er sprach erst englisch, dann das Gleiche deutsch. Sonach spielte Dobrick (Geige) mit Debus (Harmonium) eine Sara= bande von Corelli, u. wir alle drei ein Preludium von Corelli. Leider hielen in dem außerordentlich stark gedämpften Raum die Stimmen fast Völlig auseinander! Diese spröde Musik braucht einen sehr starken Nachhall; wir haben uns durch den gut nachhallenden Übungsraum sehr täuschen lassen. Heimburg los von Peter Rosegger aus der „Wald= heimat“ der Abschnitt „der erste Christbaum in der Waldheimat“ vor, die Geschichte, nach der Rosegger als Student seinem kleinen Bruder zum ersten Male einen Weihnachtsbaum schenkte, den die Bergbauern bis dahin nicht kannten, u. der Rosegger selbst erst in Graz kommen gelernt hatte. Im „lustigen Teil“ brachte Weidner seine treffende Satire „Rasiermesser scharf!“, bei der besonders das bedrohliche An= steigen des „Hormonspiegels“ gebrandmarkt wurde. Danach trugen Friedrich u. Heller eine „Scheitzelbank” vor, bei der jeder vor den Spiegel gestellt wurde. Besonders gelungen waren die Werte über Rudolph (Zähneputzen u. Pinkeln in die gleiche Rinnes zu gleicher Zeit) u. über [page 35] �1945 33 Lindenberg (Nächtliches herumgeistern im Hause, da die Uhr versagte). Auch die Naschereien auf der Tafel waren weihnachtlich! Stollen, Nüsse, Obst, Rotwein! Das Merkmal dieses ersten amerikanischen Wei= nes, den wir genossen, war der Alkoholgehalt, der Geschmack war kaum Ausgesprachen. Erst ½ 2 Uhr gingen wir auseinander! – 25. Dezember. – Die „New York Times“ vom Heiligabend brachte eine nahezu erschütternde Anzeige, ein Ausruf zur Hilfe für die deutscher Kinder „im Namen Jesu Christi seinem Geburtstage!“, diese Anzeige ist erstaunlich aggressiv: Es werden die Woche Jesu wurde= gestellt: „Wer einem von diesen Kleinen, die an mich glauben, Ärgernis gibt, dem wäre es besser, wenn ihm ein Mühlstein an den halb ge= hängt u. er in die Tiefe des Meeres versenkt würde!“ (Matth. 18,6). Die weiteren hauptsätze sind: „Die Kinder Europas sind verdammt zu sterben – ijn Massen zu sterben in diesem ersten Jahr des „Friedens“! - Alle Kinder sind unschuldig an disem Kriege! Amerika kennt keine Feindeskinder!” – Im Nahmen Jesu Christi, unseres Eretters, rufen wir an diesem Weihnachtsabend zum amerikanischen Volke. 1) Wacht Eingaben an Eure Senatoren u. Congreßmänner, daß ganz Europa, einschließlich der Axenländer, der Amerikanische Helfe zu= öffnet wird. [page 36] 34 1945 2) Verbindet Euch mit uns, um eine Bewegung der amerika= nischen Familien ins Leben zu rufen, die den Gegenwert einer Mahlzeit in der Woche opfern für die Errettung der euro= paischen Kinder, ohne Rücksicht auf Rotte, Startsangehörigkeit oder Glaubensbekenntnis. 3) Senden Sie uns Ihren Stamen u. Anschrift….usw…. �Unser zukünftliger Frieden kann allein durch diejenigen erichtet werden, die heute noch Kinder sind. Von unsere barmherzigen Liebe zu ihnen wird ihr Vertrauen zu den sozialen, politischen u. religiosen Grundsätzen abfängen, diesen wir zu dienen uns bekennen. Dieser Aufruf ist herausgegeben von Männer u. Frauen aller Glaubensbekenntnis u. Überzeugungen des amerikanischen Christenheit – in Achtung unseres Er= lösens, der uns beten lehrte: „Unser täglich’ Brot gib uns heute“. Mägen der Frieden u. der Liebe Gottes zu unser Weihnacht unsere Herzen ergreifen, u. uns leiten Seinen Willen zu tun!” [the above is an article translated from the New York Times; original could not be found] Diese Aufrüttelung des menschlichen Gewissens läßt doch einer schwa= [page 37] 1945 35 chen Kraft von Hoffnung u. wohl auch von Genugtuung in unsere Her= zen scheinen! Auch sonst sind schon mehrfach Pressestimmen zu finden, die die Zustände, besonders in Ostdeutschland, als unhaltbar bezeichnen u. die schleunige Hilfeleistung mit Lebensmitteln, Kleidung u. Me= dikamenten fordern. Ein bescheidner Weihnachtstrost! 27. Dezember – Dr. Richter, der „dienstälteste“ Deutsche Wissenschaftler in Fort Strong (seit 28. August her!), hielt uns einen sehr gut auszu= arbeiteten u. erfreulich konzentrierten Vortrag über dem Hand der immer = u. außenpolitischen Lage der USA. Das Material lieferte ihre ein sehr sorgfältiges Zeitungsstudium. Dr. Richter hat sicher ein gutes Urteil, er ist auslandskundig, da er beim Auswärtiges Amt tätig vor u. im Sonderauftrag v. Ribbentrop sim Japan gearbeitet hat. Er führte �aus: Seit 12.4.45 (Roosevelts Fed) befindet sich USA in einer Latenten [?] innerpolitischen Krise. Der Einsluß der Persönlichkeit Roosevelts ist weg= gefallen, u. Truman ist nicht fähig, durch seine Persönlichkeit mitreißend u. ausgleichend zu wirken. Truman ist ein sehr gewissenhafter u. fleißiger Arbeiter, aber er hat keine zündenden Ideen, u. er wird inner= u. Außenpolitisch nicht erst genommen. Durch die siegreiche Beendigung Des Krieges sind den USA schwere innerpolitische Probleme erwachsen, Auflösung der Wehrmacht, Wegfall der Kriegsproduktion, durch bei= [page 38] 36 1945 hohe Arbeitslosenzahl. Mitte 1946 wird USA-nach Schätzungen Dr. Richters-günstigstenfalls 5 Millionen, ungünstig stenfalls [?] 10 Mill. Arbeitslohe haben! Die innerpolitische Frage lautet: Werden diese Arbeitslohen sich politisch organisieren u. er. die dritte große Partei belden? Anzeichen dazu sind vorhanden. Diese Entwicklung wird begünstigt durch die politische Unklarheit, Wankelmütigkeit, u. Ratlosigkeit der beiden bischerigen großen Parteien. Die zahlerichen gegenwärtigen Streiks, besonders derjenige der Autoarbeiter, bedeuten nach Dr. Richter ein Abfassenn der gegnerischen politischen Kräfte (auch in hinblick auf die Präsidentenwahl 1948) u. der Wunsch der Amerikaner, sich nach den Kriegsanstrangungen erst mal gründlich aus zurufen! Wirtschaftlich kann sich die Arbeiter= schaft die Streiks sicher leisten, da ja alle sohn Kriegsersparnisse haben. Insofern warden die Streiks von der Regierung auch bis zu einem gewissen Grade gedulded, da sie eine stille Kaufkraft= abschöpfung bedeuten. Im übrigen meint Dr. Richter, daß die For= derungen der Autoarbeiter (30% Lohnerhöhung) sicher erfüllt würden, gleichzeitig würden aber die Lebenshaltungskosten um 30 stei= gen, d. F. „kontrollierte Inflation“! �Truman’s Aussichten 1946 wiedergewählt zu warden sind schlecht! [page 39] 1945 37 Er verfolgt Politik des „seek of securities“, D. H. schließlich eine Sozialpolitik: Recht auf Arbeit, auf hohen Lebensstandard, auf Gesundheits= u. Altersversicherung, auf gute Wohnungen usw.! Dagegen agitiert der Gouverneur Stassen ( ): das USA-Volk sei durch Abenteurer, Erfinder, Entdecker u. sonstige risikofreudige Leute groß geworden! Solche Leute seine jetzt nötig, um USA vorwärts zu brin= gen! Stassen habe großen Zulauf u. entsprechende Chancen für die Präsiden= tenswahl. Außenpolitisch scheinen USA wieder dem Italienismus zuzuneigen daher die auch Dr. Richter hast unverständlichen Beschlüsse auf der Moskauer Konferenz der Außenminister, die gerade heute bekannt wurden: USA heilt sich in die Besetzung Japans mit drei anderen Mächten (Rußland England, China) u. gibt einen großen Heil seiner außenordentlich gün= stigen Stallung in China preis. Halte sich nämlich Tschiangkaitschek Stelle 45 in seiner Slot zum ersten Male für eine der kämpfenden Großmächte entscheiden müssen, der Nutznießer war USA! Auch die forcierte Rückkehr der GI’s von den Kriegsschauplßtzen, die geradezu zur Monie geworden ist u. innenpolitisch u. wirtschaftlich erhabliche Schwierigkeiten hervorruft liest wohl in der Linie das Italalionismus Welche Politik würde Roosevelt in dieser Lage betrieben haben u. wird [page 40] 38 1945 Truman, trotz allem, später noch einmal Recht bekommen, daß er die politiren Seiten das Rooseveltschen „New Deal“ wird er zu beleben versucht? 28. Dezember. – Da die „Morale Section“ (Meyer, Balm) zu ver= �Sagen scheint oder nicht wahr „mag“, veranstalten wir untere „geistigen Schulung“ selbst! Am 26. 12. übersetzte Ther Sturm aus „Ridger Digest” eine amerikanische Schildenung des Deutschen U-Boot-Kriegs, Geschrieben von einem amerikanischen Kriegsberichter, der als beson= ders zuverlässig u. technisch sehr gut informiert gilt. Obwohl es diesem Amerikaner sehr, sehr schwer fällt, die überragenden Leistungen der deutschen U-Boot-Männer offen u. ehrlich anzuerkennen, ist doch der ganze Bericht für objective Leser ungewallt diese hochklingende Anerkennung selbst! Welchen Aufwand haben doch die Amerikaner treiben müssen, um der U-Boote her zu werden! Die deutschen aku= stisch-zielsuchenden Torpedos (Schraubengeräusch!) wurden durch Stör= schallquelleir, die im Platter abgesetzt wurden, bekämpft, jedoch ohne durchschlagenden Erfolg. Die grußten Erfolge halten – wie bekannt – die Amerikaner dutch ihnen Luftwaffeneinsatz mit „Radar“-Geräten. Dönitz habe darauf völlig verkampft, in der unsinnigsten Steife reagiert: er habe die U-Boote stark mit Flak bewaffnet u. der Booten der [page 41] 1945 39 Überwasserkampt gegen die Flugzeuge befohlen! Dem Erfolg dieses unsinnigen „Heroismus“ halten eindeutig die Amerikaner! Durch die „Schnorchel“ (an der Plattenoberfläche schwimmende Luftansaugeu. Auspuff-Tonne) seien die deutschen U-Boote wieder zu einer ganz gefährlichen Platte für die Alliierten geworden! Noch mehr hätten die H2O2-Verbrennung u. Dampfturbinenantrieb, wodurch eine außer= Ordentlich hohe Unterwasser-Geschwindigkeit ermöglich wurde, zum fin= satz gekommen wäre! Der Berichter erkennt jedenfalls eindeutig an, daß die deutschen U-Boot-Technik weitaus fuhrend war; er be= stätigt dies mit seinen Schlußworten: „Wenn ‚es‘ die Deutschen jemals wieder versuchen werden, so werden sie ‚es‘ mit U-Booten versuchen!“- �die Tragödie began nur oben auch hier wieder mit den fehlenden Stückzahlen!! 30. Dezember – Überfüllte züge, überfüllte Schulen, fehlende Wohnungen! Das sind die Probleme, an denen USA wegen das GIRückkehr-Fiebers zu kracken hat! Das Wohnungsproblem ist wohl das Schwierigste. Man errichtet eiligte aus Wehrmachtsbeständen Baracken= leger („Temporary buildings“!), um der grösten Slot abzuhalten. Die bauleute entwerfen mächtige Wohnhachhäuser in New York Z. B. für [page 42] 40 1945/46 1000 Familien! Führten unter Architekt findet diese Lösung sehr zweckäßig, da nur auf diese Weise ein aufgelockertes Wohnen auf nicht unsinnig großer Wohnfläche – das eigentliche Problem aller Millionenstädte!- möglich sei. 31. Dezember – Sylvester! Wir finden uns um 1900 zusammen, nachdem unsere Gedanken u. unser Gedenken schau um 1800 im Stillen nach osten zugangen war! Die ersten 3 Studen (!) wird Nach einer Idee von Tischl „Monopoly“ gespielt (in 3 Gruppen), ein Würfelspiel mit erst amerikanischen Finanz-Transaktionen 2200 beginnt der „festlich“ Teil, als „Stoff“ wird Glühwein geboten. Weidner bringt wieder eine selbstverfaßte Satire, dies mal über Schnarchen u. katschende Gummikauen. Mühlner entzuggt sich als ein erheblich talentierter Pegasusreiter, mit z. t. reizenden Gedichtchen über alle möglichen, allzumenschlichen Themen des Lebens. Auch Husch u. Ringelnatz zitiert er. Gündel bietet eine Fuchsenmimik: „Hoar= künstler“, ausgezeichnet gelungen. Fischel bringt in Versen das Ra= gout unserer bisherigen Amerikafahrt, eerstaunlich, was man in so wenigen Wachen bemerkens wartes gemeinsam erlebt! Es wird alles sehr launig von ihre vorgenommen auch „Sohn des Kalts, Meyer u. Colm �halten nicht! Den Glanzpunkt bildet werden die Rade von Dr. Richter, [page 43] 1945/46 41 Eine „historische“ Betrachtung über die Insel „Long Island“, deren Be= wohnen wir z. zh. sind. Besondern Beziehungen zum Südostteil der Insel (der für uns gesperrt ist) wurden vermutet, den dort befindet sich eine - Irrenanstalt! Die Geschichte wird später selbst entscheiden, ob sie in Bezug auf uns diesen Trennungsstrich zwischen den beiden Inselhälf= ten noch weiterleben lassen wird!! Um Mitternacht troten wir vor das haus: vom bunt leuchtenden Boston tönten die Neujahrsglocken herüber, doch ein heimatlicher Klang! Dr. Richter sprach die Worte des Neujahrsgeden= kens: Wir erhoffen vom Schicksal, daß das neue Jahr nicht so viel schreckliche Bitterkeit bringt um das vergangene! – Um 100 war uns „Polizei= stunde“ geboten; es war auch gut so, den selbst diese geringe Menge von Alkohal zeigte schon „enthemmende“ Wirkungen! 1. Januar. – Ein prachtvoller Sonnenaufgang am Neujahrsmorgen Über den Inseln unseres Archipels! Ist das ein gutes Omen für das neue Jahr? = Auch heute ist das landesübliche Spezialgericht wieder „Turkey“ (Truthahn). Nachmittags halt GI Lederer (die ganze Morale Section ist an Land!!) eine englische Konversationsstunde über Unregelmäßigkeiten der englischen Sprache. Er in seinen Ausführungen (er scheint sprachlich sehr interessiert zu sein) doch etwas mehr Niveau als Meyer u. Coltts. [page 44] 42 1946 2. Januar. – Wir laufen wöchentlich etwa 4 Mal ins Inselkino. D. F., wenn wir deutschen Maßstäbe anlagen würden durften wir über= haupt nicht hingehen! Sprache ist kaum zu vorstehen; einenteils, weil die amerik. Schauspieler offenbar kaum eine Sprachtechnik u. Sprach= �kultur (Lautstärke!) haben anderenteils, weil die Akustik des Ver= führtaales miserabel ist, u. ob die Tontechnik (Filmstreifen Wieder= gabegeräte unseren Ansprüchen gemögen, ist noch nicht entschieden. Die Filme geben aber sicher guten Ausschluß über die Geistesverfassung der Amerikaner, zudem über ihre täglichen Sitten u. Gebräuche. Also lohnt der Kinobesuch vielleich doch! – Die Filmlibrettos waren ja auch in Deutschland meist sehr unbefriedigend, daß man sie nicht als Vergleichs maßstab möhlen zumindest aber nicht über-bewachen sollte. Immere hin, auch die amerik. Kritik beurteilt die Librettos zu 95% als dunne u. geistlos! Das interessanteste Objekt ist natürlich die Frau! Sehr Kennzeichnend: der jugendliche Liebhaber wird fast immer als Trot> tel eingestellt die Frau hat das heft fast immer in der hand, zumindest in „Gesellschafts“-Filmen. Da offenbars sich nun eine geradezu pervers ausgeartete Prü= Derie die wohl von bigotten Puritanismus herrührt. Die Frau ist der Mittelpunkt des „außergeschäftlichen“ öffentlichen Interestes, u. es [page 45] 1946 43 wäre merkwürdig, wenn des Geschlechtliche in diesem Intereste nicht einer ganz wesentlichen Anteil hätte; im Gegenteil, man hat oft den Eindruck daß alles in den Frauen durch die Brille des Geschlechtlichen gesagen wird! Der heutige Filme „The Harvest Moon“ (o. d.) bestätigte des wiederum. Weibliche Hauptrolle: Ann Sheridan, eine auch nach unserem Ideal ungewohnlich schöne Frau, die zudem von der Amerik. Kritik als geistig besonders auf der Höhe bezeichnet wird. Dieser Film enthielt im wesent= lichen die eine der drei Arten der Prü geschlechtlichen Perversitätx) in Amerika: die immer nur scheinbare Verhüllung der weiblichen Nackt= heit: die Entblößung der Brüste wird genau bei den Brustwarzen anstö= �ßig!! Diese Einstellung grenzt schon bald ans Lächerliche: der weibli= che Körper kann noch so weit entblößt sein, wenn nur, zumindest symbolisch, die Brustwarzen verfüllt sind, u. z. entweder z. b. durch einen ganz schmalen, hauchdünnen, durchsichtigen Schleier, od. z. b. in einem besonders lächerlich erscheinenden Falle, in dem auf das Aktmodell eines Maler sein Schlagschatten fällt, der Haarscharf ober= halb der Spitzen der Brüste aufhört. Fast bei allen gesellschaftlichen Be= kleidungen u. bei den Brustsüchere der Badekombinationen wird ein x) oder indifferenter gesagt: des ungemein öffentlichen Interesses an geschlechtlichen diegen [page 46] 44 1946 wesentlicher Teil der Brüste freigelegt , besonders vom Brustbein bem aus gesehen (extrem tiefer „V“-Ausschnitt („deep V-front“) u. „hour-glass expose” („Sanduhr”-Ausschnitt) bei Brustsüchern). S.a. 11.12.45. Die zweite Art der Bigotterie in den Filmen ist die „NachthemdAtmosphäre“. Die Nachthemden sind natürlich entsprechend extravagant (ritte deep V-front!). Es gibt weibliche Hauptrollen die den selben Film lang im Nachthemd herumlaufen! Besonders beliebt: Tüll-Nachtgewördet. Die dritte Aus des intensiren öffentlichen Interesses an weiblicher Geschlechtlichtkeit ist die breiteste Darstellung der Formung des Frauen= Körpers durch Büstenhalter u. Hüftgürtel in der gesamten Presse. Bis ins Kleinste wird die entsprechende „Technik“ dargestellt, die Mittel zur Erzielung des „youthful uplift“ u. des „stay [put] up top” usw. Ja, sogar die männliche Geschlechtlichkeit wird so vorgestellt: Reklame für Unterwäsche mit dem „gentle, all important support, Men need – thanks the dart-stitched pouch! Das ganze ist die intensivste, nur zu instruktion Beweisle= gung für die Theorie der verdrängten Komplexe!! �Auf der anderen Seite geben die Filme auch einlauchtende psychologische hinweite auf die Fragwürdigkeit der amerikanischen Ehen! Ich habe den Eindruck, daß darin wahrscheinlich die mangel= [page 47] 1946 45 hafte, d. h. unzureichende Liebestätigkeit gerade das englischabstam= menden Teils der amerikanischen Frauen schuld hat, denen die notwen= dige Gemütstiefe fehlt. Diese Frauen sind zwar monnsüchtig (Nordvöl= ker!), aber empfindungsschwach, daher die insertierte Sexualität, die ihr geistiges Ventil in Scheinheiligkeit u. Prüdenie hat. Die (möglichts mehrfachen!) Ehescheidungen u. Wiederverheiratungen werden in der Presse als gesellschaftliche Ereignisse behandelt die offenbar mora= lisch durchaus konzenssiert sind. Uns erscheinen sie als legalisierte Polygamie. Die moralische Schwäche der amerikanischen Ehen wird auch in der Presse starke diskutiert, u. von kritikfähigen Frauen wird den Frauen selbst die großte Schuld gegeben: Sie beruhten [?] sich gar nicht, eine Ehe zu gestalhen u. wollten zu viel, möglichte daueru, mit irgendwelchen „Unternehmen“ (Kind, Tanz, Gesellschaften usw.) „be= schäftigt“ werden. 7. Januar – Unsere Postanschrift wird geändert! Das War-Department, d. h. die zentrale in Washington wird ausgeschaltet, die Post geht an ein Schließlisch des kommandierenden Offiziers in Boston! Haftentlich ist Das ein wesentlicher Schrift zur Besserung! Wir haben dem GI White (Jude) zur ersten, gemeinsamen Englisch= stunde angeheuert, 90 Minuten für 3 Dollar! [page 48] 46 1946 8. Januar. – Das heutige Kino brachte im üblichen GI-Senderfilm übe einen Abschnitt über eine Schwimmeisterin (offenbar im �Crawle) in Los Angeles mit ganz hervoragenden Aufnehmen. Diese Luftfülle! Das Mädchen hatte einen ästhetisch sehr ansprechenden, athletischen Körper (bei Frauen wohl eine große Seltenheit) u. schwamme Einen hervoragenden Stil. Besonders schön u. technisch bewunderes= wert waren die Aufnehmen von oben in das Wasser hinein (Wieder= auftauschen nach dem Sprung), ferner die zeitlupenaufnehmen vom Wenden unter Wasser. Die technische Quälität dieser Bilder war sehr Auffällig gegenüber der sonst moistens mangelhaftenden Aufnehmetechnik. Leider wurde die Erinnerung an diese schönen Bilder durch die nach= folgenden Boxkämpfe (10 Runden!!) sehr beeinträchtigt! Nach unserer Rückkehr vom Kino geb es doch eine erhebliche Über= raschung für uns: 4 Kameraden aus Aberdeen waren gekommen (Steubart, Schwidetzki, Poppel, Jungert). Die brachten insofern keine guten Nachrichten mit, als sie den Eindruck gewonnen hatten daß daß die Arbeiten von der Aberdeener Dienststelle des War Depart= ment sehr schleppend behandelt werden. Hast alle Leute, die in Deutschland mit uns verhandelst hätten, seien nicht mehr da; besonders ungünstig sei die lange Krankheit von Oberst [?] Toftoy. [page 49] 1946 Andererseits mochten uns die Aberdeener neidisch, da sie dort erhebliche Bewegungsfreiheit hatten. Die konnten zum Wochen= ende öfters nach New York fahren (in GI-Begleitung), wo sie sich ganz selbstständig bewegen konnten. Schwidetzky konnte z. B. bei seinem Schwager Weihnachten feiern! Auch Washing= ton, Philadelphia, Baltimore konnten sie auf diese Weise ban nen lernen. 9. Januar – Eine Zeitschrift („American“) brachte einen Auf= satz eines in Europa gewesenen GI, in dem er die amerikani= 47 �schen Frauen mit den europäischen vergleicht. Obwohl dieser Auf= satz-wohl selbstverständlich?- sehr viele Selbstgefölligkeiten ent= hielt, brachte er doch auch eine ganze Reiche interessanter Beobach= tungen u. charakteristischer Merkmale. Er lautet: „Amerikanische Mädels sind schick aber…“ Von Sgt. John P. Dol…[?]. (Ein Herenssergeant, der in Europa kämpfte, riskiert sein Leben wieder in einem freimütigen Vergleich fremder Frauen mit amerikanischen Mädels). „Es ist nicht wahr, daß alle Tischgespräche der Männer in Baracken sind am Ende um Frauen diesen, aber neulich abends [page 50] 48 1946 war es wieder einmal so. Wir waren etwa 8 von uns, u. wir waren alle mehr als ein Jahr über See gewesen, einen Teil der Zeit in England, einen Teil in Frankreich. Wir verglichen amerikanische Frauen mit denden, die Wir auf dieser Seite des Atlantik gesehen hatten. Da gab es nicht viel Streit; Denn, seltsam genug, wir stimmten in nahezu jedem Punkte überein. Und wir ließen nicht viel aus: Aussehen Reiz, erotische Anziehungskraft, Unterhaltung, Erziehung, u. Fraulich= keit, was es da alles gibt. Sogar die Stimmen (wir stellten hast, besonders, nachdem wir englische Frauen hatten sprechen hören, daß amerikanische Mädels etwas zu hoch, herb u. näselnd sprechen). Was das Aussehen anbetrifft, hatten wir keine Sorge. Das amerikanische Mädel steht dabei an der Spitze. Es sieht gerade in seiner Natürlichkeit besser aus, hat eine bessere Figur u. bessere Beine. Viel bessere Beine! Sie ist auch besser gepflegt; sie verwendet ausgezeichnete Sorgfalt auf ihre Haare u. Zähne, was so viele englische �Mädels nicht tun. Die Französin kommt als nächte, sowohl im natür= lichen Aussehen wie in der Pflege. Sie hat eine natürliche Gebe im Schminken; Sie es ist fein u. natürlich auszuhend, u. niemals zu auf= dringlich. Es muß ihr Stunden kosten, aber es lohnt. [page 51] 1946 Das amerikanische Mädel ist auch das best-gekleidete. Es hat einen edlen einfachen Geschmeck bekommen, den wir nirgend= wo anders gesehen haben. Zum Teil wohl, weil wir gelernt haben, gute Kleider in Massen herzustellen, die außerdem billig sind. England hat das noch nicht gelernt (obwohl amerikanische Klei= dung dort einen außerordentlichen Treffer gemacht hat) u. die englischen Mädels neigen zu Tweadkleidern u. mäßigen Schuhen u. Kleidern u. das paßt zu niemandem gut. Das war sogar in Friedenszeiten wahr u. der Krieg hat das weit, weit schlimmer gemacht, u. dafür könnt Ihr des englische Mädel natürlich nicht tadeln. Jetzt ist es meistens unmöglich für Sie, sich neue Kleider zu kaufen. Im Vergleich dazu hat das durch= schnittliche amerikanische Mädel eine Kleiderausstattung, um die sie eine englische Millionärsfrau beneiden würde. Bei den Französinnen ist auch alles in Ordnung wenn es zur Kleidung kommt. Der Krieg hat sie auch erheblich eingeschränkt, sodaß viele nur ein einziges neues Kleid im Hoher gehabt haben, wenn das überhaupt! Aber sie hat eine höchst erstaunliche Fahigkeit, ein alles Handlung u. einige alte Fensterarhänge zu nehmen u. sie in überwältigende Kleider zu verwandeln. Und ich übertreibe [page 52] 50 Nicht: einige von ihnen benutzten tatsächlich solche Materialien. 49 �Eines Abends beobachtete ich ein französisches Mädchen, das, ge= radezu Halstuch nehm u. in 5 verschiedenen Arten von Kopf= bedeckungen für sich selber knotete! Jede verschieden u. jede sehr anziehend. Einmal verließen wir die Punkte des Aussehend u. der Klei= dung, u. begaben uns auf ein anderes, ziemlich Dünnes Eis. Steil, z. B., wir darin übereinstimmten, daß in den englischen Mädels eine gewisse Einfachheit u. Echtheit ist, an die wir uns bei unseren Mädels zu Heute nicht erinnern können. Was auch immer der Grund ist, wir lieben das. Meine Erinnerung mag schwach geworden sein, aber ich Scheine es mir zurückzurufen, daß eine Menge amerikanischer Mädels dauernd die Zeit vertrieben haben möchte. Die sind wie Ein Theaterpublikum-ungeduldig, wenn ihre niemand ein gutes Spiel versatzt. Sie wünschen zum Tanz mitgenommen zu werden, oder ins Kino oder zum Dinner, irgend etwas mußte immer las sein. Dann verglich ich dieses mitdem allerersten Rendezvous, [page 53] 1946 das ich in England hatte. Wir gingen einfach in einen Park spazie= ren, dann fielen wir in eine Gastwirtschaft ein, um einige Biere zu trinken. Die gesamten Kosten: 70 Cents! Vergnügen? Wir erzählten uns eben! Das ist billig u. ist die beste Werterhaltung der Stalt. Ich fühlte nicht, dass ich sie gehindert hätte, sich zu ver= gnügen. Sie tat so viel dazu mich zu unterhalten wie ich es für sie tat. Es war einfact u. natürlich u. echt, u. ich glaube ich genoss es wahr al seines der üblichen Hochgespannten teuren Rendezvous, die ich in dem Staaten hatte. 51 �Etwas anderes, was wir an den englischen Mädels schätzten, war, daß sie wüßten wie der Krieg wirklich ist! Wir fühlen uns zu den englischen Mädels hingezogen wir zu den anderen Kame= raden sie mi tuns durch die gelichen Schlechten gegangen waren. Ich befürchte, dass ich nicht das Geliche bei den moisten der ame= rikanischen Mädels fühlen würde, obwohl es nur gericht ist zu sagen, daß dieses nicht ihre eigene Schuld ist. Die wurden nicht zum Ersatz für das Kriegshandwerk herangezogen, u. natürlich war ihnen der Krieg nicht so nahe wie den englischen Mädels, wo= für wir Gast danken. Ich flaube, es ist Tatsache dass wir einen großen Respekt [page 54] 52 1946 bekommen haben vor der Art u. Weise, wir die englischen Mädels dem Kriege sich Auge gesehen haben. Sie sind wahr durch die Hölle gegangen als sie die meisten Soldaten je gesehen haben. Sie sind durch den Terror der „Blitze” gegangen; sie haben Leichen aus zerborsten Häusern gezogen; sie haben der Feuer= wehrmännern Tee gebrocht, so ruhig, als wären sie in einem Salon. Sie sind gestorben bei der Geschützkontrolle, u. sie haben Alle Arten von schwierigen u. gefährlichen Ausgeben erledigt. Auch das französiche Mädel ist durch den Krieg besonnen (sobered) geworden, aber in einer anderen Steife. Es hat es Gelernt, was es heißt, besiegt zu sein, mit dem lächelnden Fei…[?] der über die Straßen Frankreichs Stolziert. Sie kennt den Hunger, der fast an das verhungern grenzt; sie hat Grausamkeit gesehen, so furchtbar, daß viele Amerikaner lange Zeit brauchten um sie zu glauben; sie hat dem „Untergrund” mit dem Risiko ihres Lebens gehalten; sie hat Armeen erlebt, die in ihrem Hinterhof u. überall �in ihrem Heime hochen. Sie weiß es auch, was Krieg ist….. Als die Männers…gung [?] weiterging, ließen wir unsere Haare sängen u, gestanden uns freimütig eubm daß auch wir uns drau ßen mehr schmeichele ließen, als wir das je zu hause getan se= [page 55] 1946 53 ben u. wir waren Schlau genug, um das zu genießen es ist etwas schwierig zu erklären, was ich mit „schmeicheln” (flatter) meine. In europäischen Länden wird der Mann als etwas mehr be= trachtet als der tonangebende Mann, der er in Amerika ist. Die Frauen wachen ihm mehr auf; sie bringen ihm die Pantoffeln; Sie gehen von ihrer Eigenart ab um ihm zu gefallen, - im Essen, in der Bequemlichkeit, u. in anderer Speise. Das ist besonders in Kranke reich wahr. Jedoch verstehen Sie mich nicht falsch! Ich glaube dass die amerika= nische Vorstallung einer 50:50-Partnerschaft zwischen Mann u. Frau die weit gefündere u. weit bessere ist. Falls ich heiraten (wenn mich nach diesem überhaupt noch eine haben will!), so erwache ich, dass es nur auf einer 50:50-Basis sein wird. Ich will meine Pantoffel selber holen [?]! Und ich stimme nicht mit dem Europäern überein, Daß die Amerikaner unter dem Pantoffel stehen [1 word illegible], daß sie durch ihre Frauen eingeschüchtert sind. Mein einziger Gesischtspunkt ist der, das es nichts schadet, ein schlecht dieses „Aus Weibgenschlap= pen” (korvtareing [?]) für die Männer theoretisch auch sein mag, in der Praxis ist es verdammt vergnüglich. [page 56] 54 1946 Wir fühlen uns auch geschmeichelt da die Mädels draußen �unseren amerikanischen Sinn für humor lieben. Die scheinen zu denken da immer alles, was wir sagen, so witzig ist wie ein „hoffungsglockenschlag” (Bob Hope crack). Wieder zu hause natürlich, Werden die Mädels mit sehen Art von Geschwätz behandelt, und es Macht nicht viel Eindruck. Ich glaube, wir würden zugrunde gerichtet (spoiled)! Die britischen Mädels lieben es besonders, wie wie sie kom= plimentieren. Anscheinund komplimentieren sie die englischen Männer nie sage, u. sie antworten darauf, wie es die Blume gegenüber der Sonne tut. Es scheint uns, daß die amerikanischen ausländischen Frauen mehr „fraulich” sind als die amerikanischen, u. das ist etwas anderes, Was nicht leicht zu erklären ist. Es ist nicht notwendig eine Ort des Aussehend, der die englischen Mädels, z. b., sich mehr männlich kleiden u. handeln als die amerikanischen. Ich glaube, das hat et= was zu tun mit dem was ich einige Abschnitte weiter eben sagte, wie die Frauen sich anstellen, um den Männer zu gefallen. Sie betrachten sich als völlig verschieden von den Männere, besonders in Frankreich. Wir haben gefunden daß es hübsch ist für Frauen, [page 57] 1946 Frauen zu sein! Gerade so sind sie nicht zu hilflos. Das führt uns zum geschlachtlichen Reiz! H-m-m-m-m-m! Es ist schwer zu erörtern, da noch kaum jemand genau dargestellt Hat, was esr eigentlich ist. Wie auch immer, wir schätzen die Franzö= sinnen als erste, die Amerikaninnen als zweite, u. die Engläder= innen als dritte. Die Französinnen haben ein gewisses „Luft in ihren Augen”. Ich hatte es, solche fahle Phrasen zu gebraüchen, aber das trifft es 55 �genau. Die werden nicht das gleiche Luft in amerikanischen oder englischen Mädels finden. Die Augen der französinnen blicken tatsächlich anders, als ab eine Art von Lebensfreude („joie de vivre”) durch schiene. Es ist peinigend, launisch u. Neugier erregend. Da ist geschlechtlicher Reiz in allen ihren Gesprächen. Sie haben eine Gabe Leichter Schlagfertigkeit (schneller Entgegenung), die ausschweifend (gay) u. gewagt ist, als spielten sie das bezau= berndste Spiel der Welt – das Spiel, eine Frau zu sein – u. genie= ßen es. – Wenn wir zur Erziehung weitergehen, haben wir die „blauen Streife” am amerikanischen Mädel. Von einer Sache sind wir überzeugt, nämlich, daß die USA weit u. breit das beste Schul [page 58] 56 1946 system der Welt haben. Wir haben nirgends eine Frau getroffen, Die im allgemeinen so gut unterrichtet ist wie die, die wir zu Hause gelassen haben. Für eine ersthafte Unterhaltung (abseits von Kriegsgesprächen) werden wir jederzeit das amerikanische Mä= del wählen, oder mindestens für die meiste Zeit. Die Amerikanerin scheint auch verantwortungsvoller u. ersthafter gestimmt als das frazösiche Mädel, dann es gibt Zeiten, in denen das luftige u. peinigende (tantalizing) Gespräch von Paris nicht genugt. Es ist schön für ein Rendezvous, aber für eine Frau…. Der Krieg hat uns unsere erste Gelegenheit gegeben, das amerikanische Mädel mir anderen zu vergleichen. Und, wie wir gezeigt haben, entdeckten wir einige Dinge draußen, die wir glauben bei unseren Frauen zu heute nicht zu sehen. Aber wir zweifeln, ab sich das amerikanische Mädel vielän= �dern wird, u. wir sind uns auch nicht sicher, dass wir uns das wunschen, selbst wenn sie nicht ganz vollkommen sind. So endete die „Männer-Sitzung” (bull-session) gerade, als Wir alle erkannten, daß es so ist. Einige sagten: „Ja, aber gerade nach all’ diesen guten Eigenschaften diser Babys draußen, welche Art [page 59] 1946 57 von Mädchen würdet ihr heiraten? ” Und natürlich sagte alle 7 von uns „amerikanische”, u. kei= Nen etwas anderes. Der achte Mann war an ein britisches Mädel verheiratet u. sehr glücklich. Der erste von uns war bereit, in Augen= blicke zur Freiheitsstehen zu reisen – u. mögen andere Frauen noch so gut sein.” [This is a translation of an article taken from the American Magazine; No original source was found.] 10. Januar. – Heute mittag fährt Theo Sturm nach seinem neuen Stickungskreis; Fort Washington aus Long Island. Dort soll er wohl für die Navy arbeiten. Er hofft, später von Prof. Galey (M.F.J.) doch noch in die Laboratorien das Signal Corps, New Jersey, gehalt zu werden. Nachmittags wird unsere Großgepäck abgehalt u. in Boston auf Die Bahn nach Fort Bliss gegeben. 11. Januar – Heute wird die Weiterfahrt nach For Bliss also doch Wirklichkeit! Nach einem frühen Abendessen u. unter zurücklassung des armen Debrick, der mit einer Fistel auf der Oberlippe u. Fieber im Bett liegen muß, brechen wir 1645 auf. Es ist eine kalte, klare Abenddämmerung, als wir in das Boot steigen. Durch unseren Lichter= betäten Archipel – in dem Long Island, dassen wesentlichen Teil doch der Hügel mit dem ausgedehnten Hospital ist, bald verschwindet[page 60] �58 1946 steuren wir rasch dem Hofen zu. Noch einmal bekommen wir einen eindringlichen Eindrucke von der Ledeutung Bostons als Hofen! Solche zahl von Kriegsschiffen, vor allem zerstöres! Auf der anderen Seite der weiten, dichtbesiedelten Bucht hellerleuchtete Schiffswerften. Der „Winkel” der Buchte in den wir hineinfahren, ist von den Hochhäuser sicht umstanden. Ein nahezu unwahrschein= liches Bild, diese vieltenstrigen, erleuchteten hohen Fronten, bald wie eine Theatersilhouette. Nach einem schwierigen Anlegemanöver wieder die gewohnte „Truckfahrt” zum Bahhof, Gepäckausgabe! Nach einer halben Stunde Warten, während dem wir das Treiben vor dem gegenüberliegenden Hotel ständig lästernd beobachten, geht es mit der üblichen MP-Begleitung an abgesperten Bahnstei= gen entlang zum Zuge. Wir bekommen einen mehr oder weniger altmodischen Pullmann-Schlafwagen, aber-einmal in USA, müssen wir je auch das kennenlernen! Die oberen Betten sind wie die Wannen schräg an Decke u. Seitenwände „gehängt”. Platz haben wie jedenfalls genug. Nachdem das Publikum nach uns den Zug gestürmt hatte ging es 1915 hast unvermerkt ab. Zunächts fahrt durch die übliche Lichtenfülle der Ortschatten. Kurs genau often; nach dem großen Seen. Der nicht [page 61] 1946 59 unsympathisch aussehende Schlafwagen-Neger braucht zwei Stunden, bis es untere 24 Betten schlaffertig gemacht hat! Sehr praktisch! Zuletzt bleib nur noch ein schmaler Gang durch den Wagen zwischen lauter Bettvorhängen. Das Ganze kaum vorstallbar für uns bei den genierlichen (Besser: Bigotten) Yankees! 12. Januar. – 810 Buffalo. Außer einen großen Hotel vor dem Bahn= �hof kein Eindruck von der Stadt, es ist sehr trübes Wetter, neblig. Früstück im Speisenwagen; sehr modern u. sogar geschmackvoll ein= gerichtet, das Raucherabteil mit bequemen Polstersesseln, die quer zur Fahrtrichtung, mit dem Rücken zu den Fetcshere [?], stehen. Den Vormittag über geht es am Erie-See entlang. Vom See selbst ist wegen des Nebels nicht viel zu sehen. Die Uferlandschaft ist recht hübsch, parkartig, ziemlich sicht besiedelt. – Erie – 1225(Ortszeit) Cleveland. Auffällig viele u. stattliche Katholische Kirchen, mit offenbar spanisch beeinflußtem Baustil. Wie doch diese kotch [?]. Kirchen sogar ein USA-Städtebild lebhafter ansehelicher gestalten können, es heimelt uns geradezu etwas an! Im übrigen hier u. in den folgenden Stunden der Eindruck eines sehr hoch entwickelten Industriege= Bietes (Hochofen = u. Hüttenwerke) mi taller zugehöriger Lößlichkeit, Zumal bei diesem nebligen, regnerischen Wetter. Ausfällig war [page 62] 60 1946 In den Bahnhofsanlagen die genau rechtwinklige Kreuzung der Gleibanlagen! – Wellington (Ohio) – Galian (Ohio) – Marion (Ohio) – Bellefontaine (Ohio) – Sidney (Ohio) – Versailles (Ohio) – – Union City (Indiana) – Winchester (Indiana) – Muncie (Indiana) – Anderson (Indiana). In Muncie beginnt, es, zu dämmern. Sofort ist die „Lichtenpracht” der amerikanischen Städte (auch der kleinsten) erwacht. Diese „Lichtkulissen” täuschen sonst was für ein Stadtbild war,- bei Tage besehn, erscheint meist eine recht bescheidene Ansiedlung. Muncie ist typisch für die USA-Bandstädt= chen: eine breite Geschäftsstraße rechtwinklig zur Bahnstrecke, sich nach beiden Seiten bald in der getreide Stoppe verlierend, u. Drumherum ist nicht mehr viel. – Anderson (Indiana) - 1805 (Ortzeit, in Union City (1700) würde die Uhr um eine Stunde zurück= �gestellt) Indianapolis, die typische „Steppen-Großstadt”. Heller= u. beleuchtete Hochhäuser im Stadtzentrum am Bahnhof, endlos lange, wie Boulevards blendem beleuchtete, breite Geschäftsstraßen mit wimmelndem Autoverkehr. Grosser Bahnhof mit viel Personen= verkehr: auch die US-Amerikaner, ein Steppenvolk, nomadiesierer ruhelos, sie eb emit ihren bequemen Eisenbahnen Unt [illegible strikethrough] über u. zwischen allem die zapplige u. farbenschreiende Lichtreklame [page 63] 1946 Im Ganzen: Von Schönheit keine Spur! – Terre Haute – Effingham – 13. Januar. – 030 Einfahrt in St. Louis. Bei hellem Mondenschein Durch das blendende Lichtermeer einer riesigen Bahnhofsanlage, Aufentfalt in mächtigem Kopfbahnhof. Nach etwa zweistündigem Rangieren rollen wir durch die Vorstädte von St. Louis genau Ostwärts weiter. Die Stadt liegt in einem sehr weiter Talkessel, Einer flachen Schüssel, z. T. an ̆ u. auf den Uferhängen des Missouri. Es sind offenbar hübsche Villenvororte, mit gepflegt aus= sehendem, typischen Holz-Einfamilienhäusern, z. T. In Obstgärten. Im Mondschein machen diese Ansiedlungen jedenfalls einen ganz freundlichen Eindruck, etwas anheimelnder als die anderen Steppenstädte u. saher auch etwas tröstlicher. – St. Charles – Mexico (Missouri) – Moberly – Brunswick (Missouri) – Norborne (Missouri) – Camden (Missouri). Im strahlenden Sonntagmorgen-Sonnen= Schein fahren wir wieder in Missouri-Tal. Der Morgen erinnert Mich irgendwie an die Hübschen Dörfen in Bessarabien an der Strucke nach Odessa, wo wir auch an solch’ einem frühlingshaften Sonn= tag morgen fuhren. Kurz war Kansas City, am Steichbilde der Stadt, neben riesige Getreidespeichern, an einem Bahnübergang Autounfall: Die Lok nahm einen PKW mit, der von zwei Frauen 61 �[page 64] 62 1946 gesteuert wurde, etwa 30 m mit. Die beiden Weiber entwik= kelten einen unglaublichen Dusel, den der Wagen wurde um seine Hochachse sozusagen über Eck gedreht nur Bug u. Heck waren demoliert die Vordersitze waren fast nicht beschädigt. Ehe eine neure Lok da war, hatten wir jedoch über 2 Stunden Versäumt, u. unser Anschluszug in Kansas City war ohne uns abgedampft! Also Zwangsaufenthalt von 24 Stunden!! Wir werden wieder endlos hin-u. heranziert stehen endlich im Kansas City Terminal, etwa im Zentrum der Stadt. Das Geschäftviertel liegt auf einem sanft ansteigenden Hügel, der von mehreren, gut aus= sehenden Hochhäusern gekrönt ist. Sonne u. blauer Himmel lassen das Bild freundlisch erscheinen.- Mittagessen im Bahnhofsrestaurant. Der Bahnhof ist sauber, modern, architektonisch ansprechend. Das Restaurant ist ausgezeichnet, freundliche Bedienung (waitresses), das Personal im übrigen in allen Rassen schillernd, viele Filippinenmädchen. Das Publikum macht einen recht kultirierten Eindruck. Wir warden für eine Musikkapella gehalten! In der schönen Bahnhofshalle sind sehr gute Läden, u. a. eine sehr reichhaltige Buch= Handlung. Zum Abendessen gehen wir wieder im das Bahnhofsrestau= rant. Auffällig wieder das gute Publikum; man meint steinehe, [page 65] 1946 den Einfluss des Deutschems zu spüren, das hier im Mittelwesten sehr stark sein soll; Kansas City sei das Zentrum des hieligen Deutsch= tums. Als wir, 4 Mann, als letzte unserer Gruppe das Lokal verlassen, spricht uns ein jovialer Familienvater an – Der mit Frau u. zwei Töchtern hier zu Abend ist – ob wir Ausländer seien. Als er erführ, 63 �dass wir Deutsche seien, wurde er fast starr vor Erstaunen, war aber dann offenbar nicht erfreut u. wünschte un seine recht gute Reiste vor dem Restaurant, in der Bahnhofshalle, hatten sich unsere Män= ner um einen kleinen Hern versammelt, mit dem sie sich ange= regt auf Deutsch unterhielten! Er war Deutscher Pfarrer, vor etwa 20 Jahren aus Köln ausgewandert; er freute sich riesig, uns zu sehen. Er erzählte besonders von der Stärke des Deutschtums hier, es gebe einen grossen Deutschen Klub in Kansas City. Auch er schied mit den besten Wünschen. 14. Januar. – Es wird nach 1100, ehe unser Anschlußzug eintrittt Es ist wieder schönstes Wetter. Bei der Ausfahrt sehen wir, wie hübsch die Stadt am steilen Ufer des Missouri liegt. Es geht in MissourieTal lang, die Vegetation ist sehr heimatlich. Stattliche Dörfer, mit z. T. recht ansehelichen Wohnhäusern; auch Einfluss des Deutschtums? Im Laufe des Nachmittags wir die Landschaft [page 66] 64 1946 Immer eintöniger, schliesslich gibt es überhaupt keine Bäumer Mehr; nur nach der Bahnlinie u. einer meist parallel verlau= Fenden Autostraße orientiert sich die Landschaft. – Lawrence – – Topeka – Herington – Mc Pherson. Hier sind wir mitten in einem Ölgebiet, zahlreiche Bohrtüreb mit primitiven Pumpwerken. Das Städtchen selbst sieht recht wohlhabend aus: gepflegte Straßeb mit Allendäumen u. Rasenanlegen, recht nette Landhäuser, sogar in Stein gebaut! Es sollen viele Schweden hier leben, erklärt uns ein älticher Zugschaffner, dessen Vater Hamburger war; er selbst spricht aber nur noch einige brocken Deutsch. Stächste Stadt Hutchin= son angelegt wie Mc Pherson, gröser u. nicht ganz so gepflegt. – Pratt – Bucklin – Dalhart – Tucumcari, hier Ankünst �etwa um Mitternacht bei Schneesturm! 15. Januar. – Die fahrt geht durch verschneites Berg gelande, kaum Vegetation, Stellenreise zwergkiefern. Soweit erkenn= bar, im Mondlicht sehren wir auch einer zerfurchten Hochfläche, mit aufgesetzten kleineren Kuppen. Am Vormittag zu erst bei Schneetreiben, dann bei Sonnenschein durch immer gebirgigen Landschaft, es treten imposante Bergketten hervor. Badenbedeckung, soweit durch den Schnee sichtbar schon recht wüstenhaft: niedri= [page 67] 1946 65 ge, kleinblättige Büsche, zwergkiefern. Die Färbung der Gebirgszuge wird immer schooner, Park rötlich. Zum Mittagessen kommen wir durch Alamagordo, mit Tierpark am Bahnhof. Hier in der Stüfe soll Rees mit seinen Leuten sitzen. Der Ort macht einen netten Eindruck; hinter ihn gehen ostwärds bald die Berge steil hoch. Der Schnee hat wieder erheblich abgenommen. Rechts der Bahn kommt ein wildgezackter Bergzug näher. Es seht heftig [1 word illegible]. Bald sieht man in der Ferne die ersten „Hütten” von El Paso, linkerhand Flughafen. Nach einiger Zeit fehren wir durch ein riesiges militärisches Lager hindurch [?], z. T. auf einer flachen Buch= lehre rechterhand gelegen. Des muß doch Fort Bliss sein! Rechts kommt der Gebirgszug sieht heran. Wir fahren noch eine ganze Strucke durch Siedlungen. Nach einer starken Rechtskurve wird es sehr städlisch: Hochhäuser viel Verkehr in den Straße. Das letzte Stück fahren wir quasi auf der Straße selbst. Dann ein ansehnlicher Bahnhof: El Paso (1345)! V. Braun, Axster, Schilling u. Fleischer stehen „Draußen”, mit breitkrempigen Hüten, Lederwesten usw. Sie Kommen mit einem reserviert aussehenden, aber sonst nicht Unsympathisch Major ([1 word illegible]) auf den Bahnsteig zur Begri= �ßung. Im Omnibus (Gepäck im Truck) geht’s sogleich durch die [page 68] 66 1946 Stadt die uns angenehm enttäuscht. Geschäftiges Leben in der Innerstadt, gute Läden. Besonders fallen uns die schönen Wohnstraßen auf, mit Bäumen bestanden, komfortable Villen in Stein gebaut, z. T. geradezu hochherrschaftlich. Sowas hatten wir in ganz Amerika noch nicht gesehen! Im Vorderteil des Fort Bliss ebenfalls Steinhäuser an guten Baumbestandenen Straßen, an einer langgestreckten Rosenfläche. Wir fahren bis ans Ende des Forts, des dort hinten allerdings sehr barackenhalt aussieht. In einen etwas abseits gelegenen, geschlossenen Block von Baracken finden wir unser neues „Heim”. Bauart der Baracken wie in Fort Strong, die ieinzelnen „Wohnräume” durch Gipsplatten die nach dem gemeinsamen Mittelgang reichlich viel Entluftungs= löcher freilassen, abgeteilt. Ob die „US-junior-officers” wirklich so wohnen? Oskar Bauschinger ist nicht da er arbeitet z. zt. im „White Sands Proving Ground” bei Las Cruses, ca. 80 Meilen nördlich von hier, westlich von Alamogordo. Dort ist der Reesische Laden, von dem wir schon färten, die Stelle, wo die Schlosserei vor Sich gehen soll. Das kann wir mitten in der Wüste sein, am Fuße der zarkigen Berge (Organ Mountains), die wir westlich Von Alamagordo sahen. [page 69] 1946 Ich beziehe vorerst Oskars Zimmer, in oberen Stockwerk in der nord= östlichen Ecke einen Baracken. In der zweier militärischen, aber sehr adressen „Messhall”-Baracke ein Imbiss, serviert durch deutsche Kriegsgefangene, die einen unvergleichlich besteren Eindruck 67 �machen als die in Fort Strong, meistens Afrikakämpfer, also Elite= truppe. Gegen Abend Volksversammlung in der „Konstruktions= baracke”, u. Braun fürht uns in die Lage eine. Die erste, von uns selbst gestalt Aufgabe heißt „Eisbruchen”. Dazu wird gemeinsam ein FR-Buch geschreiben, des im War Department breschen schlagen soll. Sodann wird ein neues Project bearbeitet: Verwendung des [1 word illegible] als Träger für eine Sekundärrakete mit Marschtriebwerk („Lorrain-Rohr”). Daneben Theaterschiessen mit [1 word illegible], domitis [?] die Amis lernen. Die teschnische Regie der Arbeiten in White Sands läuft unter der Regie der General Electric. Zugleich wird auch offenkundig, was neben diesem sehr positiven Ablauf der hochlichen Seite an manschlichen Dingen schief gelaufen ist: Von Heimatpost ist noch weit u. breit nichts zu sehen, wir sind praktisch auf unseren Barackenbereich einzusperrt (so sieht also „no physical restriction” aus!), die Quartiere sin dim Ganzen Eben doch mangelhaft, keine Battwäsche, u. an Päckchenschicken [page 70] 68 1946 ist vorerst überhaupt nicht zu Denken! Der Kommandant der Fort Bliss, ein Maj. Gen. Forester, soll uns gar nicht gut gesonnen sein, er verbietet uns das Herumlaufen im Fort, den Besuch der Kinos, Service Clubs, der PAE’s (Marketenderwaren-Verkauf), ja sogar des Haareschneiden-Lossen beim Truppenfriseur!! Da stimmt doch was nicht! Beherschenden Eindruck: Selbst für ams= liche US-Stellen gibt es bezüglich Vertragstreue wenig Skrupel! Den erfreulichen Abschluss des Abends bildete des zusammen= Heim im „Clubhaus”. Das ist eine vergrößerte Holztaube am Rande des freien Geländes neben unseren Baracken. Dieses Clubhaus haben sich unsere Männer zu Weihnachten selbst geschaffen haben. �Das ist echt Deutsch! Aus Pappe, Nägeln, Beine, Alten Batten u. Farbe haben die Männer etwas hiergezaubert, warum uns sicher erste Bar mit silbrigen Sternenhimmel u. Schikanen, einen netten Leseraum mit bequemen, selbstgezimmerten Sesseln u. Couchen, wirklich anheimelnd, ein Spielzimmer, eine kleine PSL. Dieses Clubhaus muß uns also gezwungener Maßen sehr viel be= denten in unserem hiesigen Dasein! Jedenfalls ist es ein Bezirk, wo wir uns allein als die Tonangebenden fuhlen kämen! [page 71] 1946 [page 72] [pages 72 and after are blank] 69 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Gerhard Reisig Collection Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Gerhard Reisig Collection Description An account of the resource <p>Dr. Gerhard Reisig was born in Leipzig, Germany in 1910 and died in Moorhead, Minnesota in 2005. Reisig attended the Nikolaischule through high school. He received his engineering degree from the Technical University in Dresden, Germany, and he later earned his doctorate in engineering from the University of Braunschweig, Germany.</p> <p>After working for the Siemens Co. in Berlin for several years, Reisig joined the Wernher von Braun rocket team in Peenemuende, Germany. Brought to the United States through Operation Paperclip, Reisig moved with the team to El Paso, Texas in 1946 and then to Huntsville, Alabama in 1951. He first worked at the Army Ballistic Missile Agency, then at the Marshall Space Flight Center, remaining with the rocket team until his retirement.</p> <p>After retiring, Reisig taught for a year at Concordia College in Moorhead as a visiting professor of physics. He continued working on various projects and authored a comprehensive history of rocket technology. Reisig regularly participated in space-related meetings and gave lectures, and he maintained contact with scientists in many countries. Dr. Reisig is the author of "Raketenforschung in Deutschland."</p> Relation A related resource <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/resources/78">View the finding aid for the Gerhard Reisig Collection on ArchivesSpace</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context spc_reis_000001_transcript Title A name given to the resource Transcript of 1945-1946 Journal of Gerhard Reisig Dipl.-Ing. Description An account of the resource Gerhard Reisig Dipl.-Ing., later Dr. Gerhard Reisig, was a German-American rocket scientist that worked on the team of von Braun at Fort Bliss. This journal covers his journey to the United States under Operation Paperclip, and includes descriptions of his experience to and through his arrival on December 6th, 1946. In this journal, he discusses numerous parts of his travel and experience in the United States including the rail route taken by the group he was in, reviews of two films of the time, comments on fashion and American society, as well as periodic mentions of food culture especially early in the journal. The transcript includes links to copies of the articles he transcribed by hand if they could be found. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Reisig, Dr. Gerhard Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1940-1949 Subject The topic of the resource Reisig, Gerhard Aeronautical engineers Operation Paperclip (U.S.) Ocean travel Railroad travel--United States United States--Description and travel Fort Bliss (Tex.) Type The nature or genre of the resource Diaries Transcripts Text Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Gerhard Reisig Collection University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives, Special Collections, and Digital Initiatives, Huntsville, Alabama Language A language of the resource de en Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Relation A related resource spc_reis_23_2 Has Format A related resource that is substantially the same as the pre-existing described resource, but in another format. <a href="http://libarchstor2.uah.edu/digitalcollections/items/show/13447">1945-1946 Journal of Gerhard Reisig Dipl.-Ing.</a> https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/19/13449/spc_stuh_000012_001.pdf 4b9c3ed083ce32f542202881bcaba343 PDF Text Text ����������������� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Description An account of the resource Ernst Stuhlinger was born in 1913 in Niederrimbach, Germany, and died in 2008 in Huntsville, AL, USA. Stuhlinger was a German scientist brought to the United States through Operation Paperclip, and like many of his Paperclip peers, he became a naturalized United States citizen in 1955. Stuhlinger’s accomplishments in both promoting and advancing space travel were many. He worked as a technical consultant with Walt Disney Pictures to create “Man in Space” (1955), “Man and the Moon” (1955), and “Mars and Beyond” (1958). Stuhlinger contributed to the 1958 launch of the Explorer I satellite by inventing a timing device, helped design the solar x-ray telescope used in the Skylab space station, worked on the Apollo Telescope Mount, worked on the initial phases for what would become the Hubble Space Telescope, and authored “Ion Propulsion for Space Flight.” Stuhlinger served as the Marshall Space Flight Center in Huntsville’s director of the Space Sciences Laboratory from 1960 to 1968, and then as the associate director for science from 1968 to 1975; he retired in 1975. After retiring, Stuhlinger joined the University of Alabama in Huntsville as an adjunct professor and senior research scientist, and he stayed on for two decades. Relation A related resource <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/resources/91">View the Ernst Stuhlinger Collection finding aid on ArchivesSpace</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context spc_stuh_000012 Title A name given to the resource Irmgard Stuhlinger School Essays, No. 1 to No. 13 Description An account of the resource Irmgard Stuhlinger was the wife of Ernst Stuhlinger, a scientist acquired in Operation Paperclip. In these school essays, she discusses her daily life in Stuttgart, Germany, as a child. When writing these essays she was 8 years old. Some of the topics include a letter to family members, Christmas, descriptions of the weather, and talking about field trips. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1933 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1930-1939 Subject The topic of the resource Stuhlinger, Irmgard Lotze School field trips Family Christmas Germany--History--1933-1945 Stuttgart (Germany) Type The nature or genre of the resource Essays Still Image Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Box 2 University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives, Special Collections, and Digital Initiatives, Huntsville, Alabama Language A language of the resource de Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Relation A related resource spc_stuh_2023_02 Has Format A related resource that is substantially the same as the pre-existing described resource, but in another format. <a href="http://libarchstor2.uah.edu/digitalcollections/admin/items/edit/13450">Transcript of Irmgard Stuhlinger School Essays, No. 1 to No. 13</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Stuhlinger, Irmgard Lotze https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/19/13450/spc_stuh_000012_transcript.pdf aecb8d6c6b1865de1313f6446b77dc58 PDF Text Text [front cover] [bolded text is printed] Schutz-Umschlag Aufsatz- Heft Für Irmgard Lotze [remainder of cover is printed] [front inside cover] Das rote das mit Farbstift geschrieben ist, habe ich selber korigiert [page 1] Stuttgart, den 15. Mai 1933. Ein Frühlingsbild. Ich sehe ein Frühlingsbild, eine Mahl= mühle und eine Sägemühle. An der Sägemühle ist ein großes Mühlrad, das das Wasser des Stausees, der hinter der Mühle ist und auf der drei Gänse und ein Nachen schwimmen, triebt. Bretter und Baumstämme sind an ihr angelehnt. An der Mahlmühle steht der Müller unter der Tür. Am Fenster stehen Blumenstöcke und am Haus steht ein blühender Baum. Ein Weg führt hinauf zu einem schönen Wald mit grünen Bieken. Den Weg zur Mühle hinauf geht ein Mann [page 2] mit einem Schubkarren mit drei Säcken Korn. Ein Büblein hat ein Teil über den Nr. 1 �Rücken gespannt und hilft ziehen. Zwei Mädchen sind auf der Wiese und pflücken Sträußchen. [note on page in red pencil, apparently not from the author, written over the previous two lines: [illegible symbol] gt] Stuttgart, den 24. Mai 1933. Nr. 2 Unser Lerngang. Am Montag Nachmittag machten wir einen Lerngang. Wir wollten uns den Wald ansehen. Wir trafen uns um halb drei Uhr auf der Doggenburg. Wir (9) liehen der Schlittenbahn hinuter zum Feuerbachtal. Unten [page 3] sahen wir (Wede) Weiden, Ahorn und Eichen. Dort rutschte eine Schülerin aus und fiel in den Bach. Wir fanden einen Käfer und einen Schnecke. Wir gingen nun am „Schönsten Wiesengrunde“ vor= bei über die Straße und kamen in den Wald bei der Schießbahn. Dort fanden wir Maiblümchen und andere Blümen. Wir sahen Eichen und Büchen, Birken, Tonnen und Kiefern. Auf dem Rückweg erklärde uns ein Mann, warum er Taub= nesseln süchte. Dann stiegen wir �wieder zur Doggenburg hinauf. [page 4] Dort gingen wir um halb fünf Uhr heim. [note on page in red ink, apparently not from the author, written over the previous two lines: [illegible symbol]] Stuttgart, den 12. Juni 1933. Nr. 3 Unser Klassenausflug. Wir trafen uns auf (drei) Diakonissenplaz. Von dort uns fahren wir mit der Straßenbahn über Südheim, Kaltental, Vaihingen nach Rohr. Frau Vöhringer und Fraulein Alire gingen (auch) auch mit. Wir kamen an den drei Brumen und am Freibad vorbei. Unser erstes Vesper war nicht groß. Dann gingen wir über Musberg ins Siebenmühlental. Wir sahen die Obern Mühle, die eselsmühle, die Mäulesmühle, die Seebruckenmühle, und die Schlösslesmühle. Der Besitzer der Schlässlesmühle [page 5] ließ uns in die Mühle hineinschauen. Dann machten wir eine Stunde Mttagspause. Nach der Mittagspause gingen wir nach Weidach. Dann gingen wir weiter. Da komen wir an eine schöne große Wiese-. Da waren lauter Margrithen. Ich pflückte viele deran und dann Gigen wir nach Echterdingen. Von dort uns fahren wir mit den Straßenbahn über Degerloch auf den Schloßplatz. Von dort endlich ich heim. �[note on page in red ink, apparently not from the author, written over the previous two lines: [illegible symbol] bf. gt.] Stuttgart, den 13 Juli 1933. Bei der Mutter in der Küche. Nr. 4 In userer Küche steht ein Büffett, ein Herd, ein Guß, ein Tisch und ein Stuhl. Im Büfett sind [illegible word], [page 6] Schütten, Schnüren und andere Sachen. Wenn ich von der Schule kommen, gucke ich immer noch es zum Mittagessen gibt. (4) Unsere Speisekam= mer ist ganz voll mit Tomaten, Salat, Kartoffeln, Rettichen, gelben Rüben und rieten andere eßbaren Sachen. (Die Mutter) Wann die Mutter ([smudge on paper]) kochen muß, muß sie das Gas anzünden, daß der Feuer brennt, dann stellt sie das Essen auf den Herd, daß es warm wird. Wann sie Kartoffelsalat machen will, muß sie zuerst die Kartoffeln sieden wenn sie dann kalt sind muß sie die Kartoffeln schülen und den Salat ammahen. [note on page in red ink, apparently not from the author, written over the previous two lines: [illegible symbol] ye. – bf.] Stuttgart, den 4. Sept. 19 Nr. 5 Meine Ferienerlebeisse. [page 7] Wir reisten am 7. August nach Bühl. Über Ulm, dort sahen wir das Ulmer Münster an, weil wir dort 1 Stunde Aufenthalt hatten. Mein Vater kaufte noch �Ulmer Zuckerbrot und Obst, dann fuhr der Zug weiterx. Über Kempten nach Innenstadt. Dort nahmen wir ein Auto und fahren nach Bühl. Dort parkte man zuerst aus. Danach gingen wir gleich zum Boden in der Alpten. Dort stachen uns die Bremsen so arg, daß wir überall Bremsenstiche hatten. Am andere Tag gingen wir [page 8] nach Innenstadt. Dort Pruf= ten war in der Apotheke ein Mittel gegen Insecktenstich. Ein gaur Tage darauf gengen wir auf das Nebelhorn. Wir fahren mit dem Zug nach Oberst= dorf. Dort fahren wir auf das Nebelhorrn mit der Schwebebahn. Droben war es ziemlich kalt, aber wir hatten einënrunder= schöne Aussicht. Wir fanden auf noch viele Alpenrosen. Erst am Abend fahren wir wieder hinunter. Einige Tage vor der Abreise wollten wir an den Ladenssee [page 9] mit denn einen Sonderzug. Morgens war der schönste (Sch) Sonnenschein. Doch �als wir uns angezogen hatten, regente es. Da schlag mein Vater vor: Wir gehen nach Steibis Dort sind unsere Verwandten in der Sommerfrische. Nun fahren wir mit dem Zug nach Oberstafufen. Von dort aus liehen wir nach Steibis. Mein Brüderchen Brüder und ich Spielten wir mit unsere Vetter und unsern Bäschen in Kuhstall Kühlens. Man band uns an die Ketten und molk uns. Nachts schliefen wir Kinder alle im heu. [page 10] Wir lagen alle weich. Dort konnten Wir nicht einschlafen, dann der Wind stürmte und der Regen strömte auf das Dach der Scheuer. Am folgenden es Morgen wurde Ein Schwein geschlachtet. Das war fein. Am Abend fahren wir wieder nach Bühl zurück. Am 28. August reisten wir wieder nach Stuttgart zurück. 8 Tage darauf fing die Schule wieder an. [note on page in red ink, apparently not from the author, written over the previous two lines: [illegible symbol] gt.] [page 11] Stuttgart, den 14. Sept. 1933, �Ein Herbstbild. Ich sehe ein Bild. Darauf ist Ein Garten. Drain ist ein Apfelbaum und vier Leute. Ein Mann steht auf einer Leiter ([pen stroke]) und bricht Äpfel ab, daß sie keinen Marken bekommen und man sie über den Winter aufheben kann. Die Frau trägt ge= rade einen Korb mit Brech= äpfeln vorsichtig fort. Ein (Mädchen) junges Fräulein liest auf, Falläpfel auf, daß [page 12] man es für Kuchen und Kom= pott verwenden kann. Ein kleines Kind beißt gera= de in einen Apfel hinein. Am Gartenzaun sind Büsche und unter sind Sonnenblumen, Astere, Stulken und Malren. daneben ist ein großer Kar= toffelarten. (t) Die Bauere tun Kartoffeln heraus. Sie haben das Kartoffelkraut auf einen hausen zusammen= getan, daß ein, wenn sie die Kartoffeln herausgetan und Nr. 6 �aufgeleten haben, ein Feuer [page 13] anzünden können. Im Hinter= grund sind Bäume, die sich schon herbstlich färben und ein Hof, der von einer sahen Mauer umgeben ist. In der Luft fliegt einen Schar Zug= vögel. [note on page in red ink, apparently not from the author, written over the previous two lines: [illegible symbol] gt.] Stuttgart, den 21. Sept. 1933. Hinber Onkel und liebe Tante! Nr. 7 Setzt sind es schon wieder bald 3 Machen, daß ich wieder zu Hause bin. Ich gehe jeden Tag zur Schule und rauß fleißig [page 14] Lernen. Ich denke noch immer mit viel Freude von die schönen Tage zurück, die ich bei Euch in den Ferien habe verleben dürfen. Ich möchte Euch noch ein= mal von herzen danken für alle Liebe und all das Gute, das ich bei euch genießen durf= te. Wie geht es euch? Wie geht es euren Lieben? – Bei uns geht alles gut. Mein lieben �Eltern lassen Euch herzlich grüßen. In der Hoffnung, bald wieder von Euch hören zu dürfen grüße ich Euch herzlich [page 15] (Er) fure dankbare Stichte Irmgard. [note on page in red ink, apparently not from the author, written over the previous two lines: [illegible symbol] gt.] Stuttgart, den 5. Okt. 1933. Lerngang auf das Land. Am Samstag gingen wir noch zu einem Bauern. Wir fahren Im Kuhstall und die Scheuer. Im Kuhstall waren 2021 Kühe. Auf eine schwarzweiße war dabei. In der Scheuers war eine d Mähmaschine und eine Haberguntschmaschine [?]. Hinter war ein Silo, wo man die Abfälle von dem Mostobst [page 16] hineinwirkt. Vorne waren Säcke mit Zuckerrübenabfall, den man den Rühen zu Fret= ten gibt. Dann gingen wir weiter. Da sehen wir einen Truthahn, der ein Rad schlug. Junge Truthähner waren Nr. 8 �auch dabei. So gingen wir weiter und kamen an einem Käfig vorbei mit pleinen Vögeln. Dann entgerten wir im Wald. Als wirtgeh ge= respert hatten, gingen wir weiter. Da lasgerade ein (Bätel) Büttel den Leuten [page 17] von. Ehe er anfing, klingelte er mit einer Glake, daß es die Leute auf hörten. Dann sahen wir Krautärker und Stoppelfelden. Auf einmal lieh und ein kleines Mädchen entgegen. Wir nahmen es an der Hand und es lieh gang vergnügt neben uns ger, als ab eine Frau gesunden hatte, dann es gehörte, liehen wir nach Vaihingen. Von dort aus fahren wir mit der Straßenbahn heim. [note on page in red ink, apparently not from the author, written over the previous two lines: [illegible symbol] bf. - gt.] [page 18] Stuttgart, den 30. Okt, 1933. Nr. 9 Was kann ich für meine Gesundheit tun? Man darf nicht zu viel essen und trin= �ken, sonst wird man krank, weil es der Ma= gen nicht mehr ertragen kann. Ich bode jeden Samstag in der Badewanne, daß ich wieder recht sauber werden ud und jeden Abend wasche ich mich gründlich. Das ist aber auch nötig, weil sonst in die Toren Schmutz hineinkommen kön̄ te und dann würde die Hautatmung aufhören und die immer Luft würde nicht mehr ausreichen. Ich lasse mir von Zeit zu Zeit die Haare schneiden beim Frisör. Von Zeit zu Zeit wascht mir [page 19] meine Mutter die Haare und wenn ich gerade nicht bode und Schuppen habe, reibt mir mein Mutter den Kopt mit Schuppengerade ein, daß sie beim Wa= schen besser weggehen. Wenn man zu nahe auf das Buch schaut, kriegt man schlechte Augen. Die Ohren soll man vor Kälte schützen, sonst kaum man Ohrenweh kriegen. Bei zu starten Geräusch kann einen das Trommel= fell platzen. Ich putze jeden Morgen und Abend mein Zähne, daß sie sauber und krästig werden und daß sie krästig beißen. Ich war noch nicht beim Zahn= arzt, weil ich gute Zähne hatte und noch [page 20] �ein Zahnweh. Auch bin ich ziemlich ab= gehörtet. Die Abhärtung ist so: Man solt Kinder von klein auf abhärten. Es ist gesünder, wenn man Öfen hat als Zentralheizung, weil dann der Körper abgekühlt wird. Wann jemand Schar= lauf, rote Flecken oder eine sonstige ansterkunde Krankheit hat, soll man nicht zu ihn ins Zimmer gehen, weil man sonst angesteckt wird. Man soll auf viel Spurt treiben, weil es gesund ist. [note on page in red ink, apparently not from the author, written over the previous two lines: [illegible symbol] bf. - gt.] [page 21] Stuttgart, den 13. Nov. 1933. Krank. Nr. 10. Wenn ich Krank bin, kommt unser Haus= arzt Dr. Metzger. Ich habe schon oft Hals= weh gehabt. Da kam herr Dr. Metzger und lieht ein kleines Rohramt [?] mich hin. Dann fragt er mich, ob er kalte Hände hätte, weil ich ausgezogen bin. Er macht allerhand Spässe und man muß meistens lachen. Einmal kam er abends. Da war ich aber gesund. Er sagte zu mir: Dein Bett ist mir ja viel zu klein, ich will auf einmal probieren, ob ich auf noch hineinpasse. Da leg er in mein Bett und strekte die Füße heraus. Wir �mußten alle lachen. Ich war noch ein in [page 22] einen Krankenhaus, als ich krank war. Ich habe auf schon rote Flecken und Keuch= husten gehabt. Eigentlich war ich noch ein erstlich krank. [note on page in red ink, apparently not from the author, written over the previous two lines: [illegible symbol] bf. - gt.] Stuttgart, den 30. Nov. Nr. 11 Ein feine Musikstunde. Letzten Donnerstag morgen von 11 bis 12 Uhr wurde im Zeichensaal eine Stunde der Deutschen Hausmusik waren= staltet. Um 11 Uhr versammelten sich verschiedene Klassen in Gang. Bald durften wir hinein. Des Saal war voll kleiner Kinderstühlehen. Wir fangen zuerst: Ein hefte Burg ist [page 23] unser Gott........Herr Schurr spielte Klavier dazu. Zuerst kam ein Mäd= chen von Frl. Schürger† und (st) spielte: Kuckuck......auch dem Klavier. Dann kam eine und spielte: Stille, stille, kein Ge= räusch gemacht.....und so komen noch viele uns spielten Stückchen. Eine von ihren spielte: Der fröhliche Hand= mann.....Dann kam ein anderes Instrument. Es war Mundharmonika. �Die erste spielte zwei Lieder und die andere alle nur eins. Nachdem kam die Flöte. Rose Waldenmeier spielte zuerst: An der Saale hellem Strande. Herr Schurr begleitete sie auf dem [page 24] Klavier. Dann kamen zwei von Frl. Wegmann. Noch dieser spielte Doris Hilger: Der Kuckuk und der Esel....... und dann Marget Segbold: Weißt die wie viel Sternlein stehen.....Am Ende der Instrumente spielte eine Violine in Begleitung von Herre Schurr, der gleichfalls geigen spielte. Zuletzt sangen wir wieder alle miteinander: Lustig auf der weiten Bahn..... Die andere hintendrein. Das war fein. Doch auf einmal läutete es, und wir mußten heim. [note on page in red ink, apparently not from the author, written over the previous two lines: [illegible line symbol] bf] [page 25] Stuttgart, den 4. Dezember 1933 Hu, Diese Kälte! Nun ist es wieder kalt. Man muß sich wieder ganz warm an= zielen und friert doch noch ein klein wenig. Aber es ist herrlich, daß man jetzt wieder Schlittschuh laufen kann. Nr. 12 �Am Samstag mittag war ich auf der Schlittenbahn beim Bismarck= turm. Hui! Das lief, daß wir ganz rote Backen bekommen haben. Heute aber ist es noch viel kälter als am Samstag und Sonntag. Wenn meine Mutter auf der Veranda Wäsche aufhängt, friert sie ganz steif. [page 26] Ich schleihe gerne in den gefrorene Pfützen. Man kann auf keine Richtige Schneeballenschlacht mehr machen, weil der Schnee so fest zu= sammengefroren ist. Armen Leuten ist die kälte nicht recht, weil sie kein Geld haben, um holz und kohlen zu kaufen. Auch haben sie keine ‚dementsz‘ dementsprechende Kleidung. Wir gefällt es aber. Wir gefällt es gut. [note on page in red ink, apparently not from the author: [illegible line symbol] bf - gut.] [page 27] Stuttgart, den 11. Dezember 1933. Liebes Christkind! Nun ist es bald wieder Weihnachten, und ich habe Wünsche wie voriges Jahr. Bringe wir bitte neue Eltern für meine Puppenstube, weil der Vater nicht an den Schreibtisch Nr. 13 �sitzen kann und immer herunter= rutscht. Die Mutter streikt auf immer die Füße weit von sich, wenn ich sie auf den Stufe setze. Für mei= ne Puppe mähte ich lange Strümpfchen und ein Kapuzen= mantelchen. Auch ein paar Märchen= [page 28] bücher oder Geschichtenbücher wünsche ich mir, dann ich lese gerne. Ich freue mich, bis du kommst. Viele Grüße Deine Irmgard Lotze. [note on page in red ink, apparently not from the author: [illegible line symbol] bf - gut.] [back inside cover] [page is blank] [back cover] [cover is printed] � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Description An account of the resource Ernst Stuhlinger was born in 1913 in Niederrimbach, Germany, and died in 2008 in Huntsville, AL, USA. Stuhlinger was a German scientist brought to the United States through Operation Paperclip, and like many of his Paperclip peers, he became a naturalized United States citizen in 1955. Stuhlinger’s accomplishments in both promoting and advancing space travel were many. He worked as a technical consultant with Walt Disney Pictures to create “Man in Space” (1955), “Man and the Moon” (1955), and “Mars and Beyond” (1958). Stuhlinger contributed to the 1958 launch of the Explorer I satellite by inventing a timing device, helped design the solar x-ray telescope used in the Skylab space station, worked on the Apollo Telescope Mount, worked on the initial phases for what would become the Hubble Space Telescope, and authored “Ion Propulsion for Space Flight.” Stuhlinger served as the Marshall Space Flight Center in Huntsville’s director of the Space Sciences Laboratory from 1960 to 1968, and then as the associate director for science from 1968 to 1975; he retired in 1975. After retiring, Stuhlinger joined the University of Alabama in Huntsville as an adjunct professor and senior research scientist, and he stayed on for two decades. Relation A related resource <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/resources/91">View the Ernst Stuhlinger Collection finding aid on ArchivesSpace</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context spc_stuh_000012_transcript Title A name given to the resource Transcript of Irmgard Stuhlinger School Essays, No. 1 to No. 13 Description An account of the resource Irmgard Stuhlinger was the wife of Ernst Stuhlinger, a scientist acquired in Operation Paperclip. In these school essays, she discusses her daily life in Stuttgart, Germany, as a child. When writing these essays she was 8 years old. Some of the topics include a letter to family members, Christmas, descriptions of the weather, and talking about field trips. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1933 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1930-1939 Subject The topic of the resource Stuhlinger, Irmgard Lotze School field trips Family Christmas Germany--History--1933-1945 Stuttgart (Germany) Type The nature or genre of the resource Essays Transcripts Text Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Box 2 University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives, Special Collections, and Digital Initiatives, Huntsville, Alabama Language A language of the resource de Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Relation A related resource spc_stuh_2023_02 Has Format A related resource that is substantially the same as the pre-existing described resource, but in another format. <a href="http://libarchstor2.uah.edu/digitalcollections/items/show/13449">Irmgard Stuhlinger School Essays, No. 1 to No. 13</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Stuhlinger, Irmgard Lotze https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/19/13451/spc_stuh_000013_001.pdf 90eda275a96e217a9f24560d044fb6e3 PDF Text Text ����������������������������������� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Description An account of the resource Ernst Stuhlinger was born in 1913 in Niederrimbach, Germany, and died in 2008 in Huntsville, AL, USA. Stuhlinger was a German scientist brought to the United States through Operation Paperclip, and like many of his Paperclip peers, he became a naturalized United States citizen in 1955. Stuhlinger’s accomplishments in both promoting and advancing space travel were many. He worked as a technical consultant with Walt Disney Pictures to create “Man in Space” (1955), “Man and the Moon” (1955), and “Mars and Beyond” (1958). Stuhlinger contributed to the 1958 launch of the Explorer I satellite by inventing a timing device, helped design the solar x-ray telescope used in the Skylab space station, worked on the Apollo Telescope Mount, worked on the initial phases for what would become the Hubble Space Telescope, and authored “Ion Propulsion for Space Flight.” Stuhlinger served as the Marshall Space Flight Center in Huntsville’s director of the Space Sciences Laboratory from 1960 to 1968, and then as the associate director for science from 1968 to 1975; he retired in 1975. After retiring, Stuhlinger joined the University of Alabama in Huntsville as an adjunct professor and senior research scientist, and he stayed on for two decades. Relation A related resource <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/resources/91">View the Ernst Stuhlinger Collection finding aid on ArchivesSpace</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context spc_stuh_000013 Title A name given to the resource Irmgard Stuhlinger School Essays, from No. 15 Description An account of the resource Irmgard Stuhlinger was the wife of Ernst Stuhlinger, a scientist acquired in Operation Paperclip. In these school essays, she discusses her daily life in Stuttgart, Germany, as a child. When writing these essays she was 8-9 years old. Some of the topics include letters to family members, a fictional story, Christmas, descriptions of the weather, and talking about field trips. Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1930-1939 Subject The topic of the resource Stuhlinger, Irmgard Lotze School field trips Family Christmas Germany--History--1933-1945 Stuttgart (Germany) Type The nature or genre of the resource Essays Still Image Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Box 2 University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives, Special Collections, and Digital Initiatives, Huntsville, Alabama Language A language of the resource de Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Relation A related resource spc_stuh_2023_02 Has Format A related resource that is substantially the same as the pre-existing described resource, but in another format. <a href="http://libarchstor2.uah.edu/digitalcollections/items/show/13452">Transcript of Irmgard Stuhlinger School Essays, from No. 15</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Stuhlinger, Irmgard Lotze https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/19/13452/spc_stuh_000013_transcript.pdf ae9854f6668da393aeffbeffa30e81c8 PDF Text Text [front cover] [centered in the cover] Aufsätze Irmgard Lotze. [remainder of cover is printed] [front inside cover] [cover is blank] [page 1] Stuttgart, den. 1. März 1933. [note in right margin] Nr. 15 [end note] Wie ich mir mein Wohnhaus bauen würde. Ich würde mir in meinem Haus zwei Schlafzimmer einrichten lassen. In einem schlafen die Eltern und im an= dere die Kinder. Wenn das Kleinste Kindchen, das noch im Wagen liegt, schreit, wollte ich haben, daß die Mut= ter mir auf einen Knopf drückte und dann [page 2] Das Vögelein von selbst auf Schienen herüber sahren würde und die Mutter ihm den Schuppen gäbe. Drückt man auf einen andere Knopf, so fährt der Wagen wieder hinüber. Auch einen Dachgarten und eine Terrasse mit viele Blumen und sehr breiten Fenstern hätte ich gerne. Auch einen �schönen Garten würde ich anlegen lassen mit Schwimmbad, Schaukel, [page 3] Sandhausen, Tennisplatz, einen Teich mit Seerosen, eine Laube, und viele schöne Blumenbeete. Ich würde mir alles elektrisch einbauen lassen. In jedem Stock wollte ich einer Zimmer und im ganzen drei Stöcke. In Badezimmer wären eine eingebaute Badewanne und ein Schrank für die Leibwäsche. Das Schlafzimmer müßte am sonnigsten sein† von allen Zimmern. Das Kinder= [page 4] zimmer müßte auch schön sonnig sein. Stuttgart, den 8. März 1933. Nie das Schneeglöklein so schön läuten lernte. Mutter Erde schlief noch ganz fest und war froh, daß ihre Blumen= kinder sie auch einmal in Ruhe ließen. Da hörte sie auf einmal Schüsse. Die erschrak, aber die [marginal note on the ride side of the page, in red ink, apparently not by the author: gt.] [note in left margin: Nr. 16] [page 5] Leute riesen: Ein gutes neues Jahr! und sie hörte Glocken �läuten, so schön, wie sie es noch ein gehört hatte. Mutter Erde dachte: Wenn nur das Schneeglöck= lein das schöne Läuten hören würde, das es auch so schön läuten lernen könnte! Aber wir sollte sie das machen? In der Schlafstube schliefen alle Blumen und sie [page 6] könnten aufwachen, wenn sie die Türe aufmachte. Da kom ihr ein guter Gedanke. Sie ging zum Wind und fragte ihn, ob er so gut sei und in die Schlafstube den schönen Klang tragen könnte. Er folgte ihr und das Schneeglöck= lein hörte es im Traum. Nicht lange, nachdem der Wind wie= der fortgegangen war, schaute [page 7] das Schneeglöckchen schon fix und fertig uns der Erde hervor und Mut= ter Erde freute sich, als sie das Schneeglöckchen in seinem wei= ßen Glöckchen und seinem weißen Kleidchen sah. Stuttgart, den 15. März 1933. Wir wurden photographiert. Letzten Freitag wurden wir �photographiert. Um elf Uhr ließ [page 8] man uns aus der Handarbeit holen. Wir ordneten uns vor der Haustüre. Unser Lehrerin stand in der Mitte. Bei der er= sten Aufnahme kniete ich in der ersten Reihe und bei der zweiten Ausnahme stand ich in der zweiten Reise. Wir mußten ganz still hal= ten, damit das Bild schön würde. Es war bald vorbei. [marginal note on the ride side of the page, in red ink, apparently not by the author: gt.] [page 9] Stuttgart, den 23. Nov. 1933. Eine feine Musikstunde. Heute Morgen von 11 bis 12 Uhr wurde im Zeichensaal eine Stunde der deutschen Haus= musik veranstaltet. Um 11 Uhr versammelten sich ver= schliedene Klassen im Gang. (der Saal war) Bald durften wir hinein. Der Saal war [page 10] voll kleiner Kinderstühlchen. Wir sangen zuerst: Ein hefte Burg ist unter Gott..... Herr Schuher spielte Klavier dazu. �Zuerst kam ein Mädchen von Frl. Schürgernud spielte: Kuckuck.... auf dem Klavier. Dann kam eine und spielte: Stille, S stille kein Geräusch gemacht...... und so kamen noch viele und spielten [marginal note on the ride side of the page, in red ink, apparently not by the author: gt.] [note in right margin: Nr. 17] [page 11] Stückchen. Eine S von ihren spielte: Der frf fröhliche Land= mann...... Dann kam ein anderes Instrument. Es war Mund= harmonika. Die erste spielte zwei Lieder und die zweite andere Alle nur eines. Nachdem kam die Flöte. Rose Waldenmaier spielte zuerst an der Saale hellem Strande. Herr Schurr begleitetes sie mit auf dem Klavier. Dann kamen zweit diessen spielte Doris Hilger der Kuckuk und der Esel...und dan̄ Margot Seybald: Weißt du wie viel Sternlein stehen..... Zuletzt spielte ein Violin in Begleitung von Herrn Schurr, der gleichfalls Geige spielte. Zuletzt sangen wir wieder alle miteinan= [page 12] �der: Luftig auf der weiten Bahn....... die eine hälfte sang voraus und die andere hinterndrein. Das war fein. Doch auf einmal läutete es, und wir mußten heim. Stuttgart, den 4. Dez. 1933. Hu, diese Kälte! Nun ist es wieder kalt. Man muß sich wieder [marginal note on the right side of the page, in red ink, apparently not by the author: [illegible line symbol]] [page 13] ganz warm anziehen und friert doch noch ein klein wenig. Aber es ist herrlich, daß man jetzt bald wieder Schlittschühlaufen kann. Am Samstag mittag war ich auf Der Schlittenbahn beim (Bismar) Bismarckturm. Hui! Das lief, (als wir hi) daß wir ganz rote Bonken bekommen haben. [page 14] Heute aber ist es noch viel kälter als am Samstag und Sonntag. Wenn w meinen Mutter auf der Veranda Wäsche auf= hängt, friert sie ganz steif. Ich schleife gerne in den gefrorenen �Pfützen. Man kann auf kein richtige Schneeballenschlacht mehr machen, weil der Schnee so fest zusammengefroren [page 15] ist. Armen Leuten ist die Kälte nicht recht, weil sie kein Geld dazu haben, um Holz und Kohlen zu kaufen. Auch sie haben sie sie keine Dennentsprechende Kleidung. Wir gefällt es aber. [marginal note on the left side of the page, in red ink, apparently not by the author: [illegible line symbol]] [page 16] Stuttgart, den 11. Dez. 1933 Liebes Christkind! Nun ist es bald wieder Weihnachten und ich habe Wünsche wie voriges Jahr. Bringen mir bitte: Nneu Eltern für meine Puppenstube, weil der Vater nicht an den Schreibtisch sitzen [page 17] kann und immer herunterrutscht. Die Mutter, we strekt auch immer die Füße weit �von sich, wann ich sie auf den Stuhl setze. Für meine Puppe möchte ich lange Strümpfchen und ein Kapuzen= mäntelchen. Auch ein paar Märchenbücher [page 17] oder Geschichtenbücher, wünsche ich mir, denn ich lese gerne. Ich freue mich, bis Vce Du kommst. Viele Grüße Deine Irmgard Lotze. Stuttgart, den 9. Jan. 1934 Liebe Großmutter! Ich möchte dir einmal [marginal note on the right side of the page, in red ink, apparently not by the author: [illegible line symbol]] [page 18] erzählen, wie ich die Ferien zugebracht habe. Am (die) Dienstag den den 2. Januar schlief ich auf dem Weißenhof bei meine 3 Bäschen und 2 (Vet) Vettere. Das war fein. Ich kam schon morgens. Nach e dem Mittag= �[page 19] essen gingen wir drei Annemarie, Hildegard und ich in das Zimmer hinauf, wo wir 7 nachts schlafen sollten, zogen Schule und Strümpfe aus, und machten ein Schild vor die Tür, daß man nicht hinein dürfe. Dann legten wir uns ins Bett [page 20] und dichteten witzige Geschichten. Abends war es auch fein, denn wilr leuchteten dauerend mit den Taschenlampen. Ich v habe auch schöne Sachen bekommen. Es grüßt dich herzlich Deine Irmgard Lotze, [marginal note on the left side of the page, in red ink, apparently not by the author: [illegible line symbol]] [page 21] Stuttgart, den 22. Jan. 1934 Rübezahl belohnt die Redlichkeit. Es war einmal ein �armer Bauer. Er war durch die Rindergeht so arm geworden, daß er gar nichts mehr hatte. Da ging er zu seinen Vettere. Als die ihm nichts [page 22] v, als Schimpfworte ga= ben, hiel ihm ein, daß er Rühbezahlum 100 taler bitten könne. Also rief er dem Berg= geist und s erzählte ihm sein Anglück. Rübezahl war anfangs zornig. Aber dann führte er den Bauer in eine höhle, [page 23] Und er durfte sich Geld nehmen. Er zählte 100 Taler ab, schrieb den Schuldschein für 3 Jahre und ging fröhlich heim. Daheim verriert er aber nichts von Rübezahl. Nun war er wieder fleißig, und als 3 Jahr vorbeit waren, hatte er schon wie= der ein schönes Gut. Aber [page 24] �Als der Zahlungstag herankam, fuhr er auf das Gebirge. Dort ließ er den den Wagen weiter= fahren und sagte seiner Frau, woher er das Geld habe. Dann ging er fort um nach der Tür zu sahen diese war aber fort. Da klirrte er mit den Geld, [page 25] aber Rübezahl kom nicht. Da ging er wieder zu= rück und es erhab sich ein f Wind. Da auf einmal u fand sein kleinster Krabe den Schuldschein. Dar rauf stand: Betrag dankend erhalten. Da wußte der Bauer, daß er das Geld F behalten dürfe. Er [page 26] ging aber dah zu den Vettern. Aber der eine war tot und der andere im Gehängnis. Da ging er heim und arbeitete ehrlich weiter. Stuttgart, den 1. Febr. 1934 �Was ich meiner Mutter helfe. [page 27] Ich helfe meiner Mutter oft. Ich gehe a dann zum Metzger und hole Fleisch, oder Wurst. Zum Z Bäcker gehe ich noch öfters und in der Kolonialerarenladen. 7 beim Metzger bekomme ich manchmal ein Rädchen Wurst und [page 28] Bbeim Bäcker ein Schokolädchen. Auch decke ich mittags manchmal der Tisch. Da richtet meine Mutter das Besteck und die Teller in der Küche. Heraus, und tr ich Trage es dann ins Zimmer und decke [page 29] den Tisch. Manchmal räume ich auf den Tisch ab. Oft wWenn ich gerade Ausgänge ge= �macht habe, frage ich meine Mutter oft ob ich ein paar Pfennige in meine Sparkasse tun darf. Meistens sagt meinen Mutter: Ja. [marginal note on the left side of the page, in red ink, apparently not by the author: [illegible line symbol]] [page 30] Wenn es kuchen gibt, schlecke ich die Schüssele aus. Das schmeckt prima. Stuttgart, den 8 Febr Stuttgart, den. 8. Febr. 1934. Mein größter Wunsch. Wann ich jetzt alle meine Wünsche sagen dürfe, würde ich mir ein schönes, [marginal note on the left side of the page, in red ink, apparently not by the author: [illegible line symbol]] [page 31] weißes Einfamilien= haus wünschen mit einen Garten, der einen Kilometer breit und einen Kilometer lang ist, v für den Sommer ein Bad undeiren Tennis- �platz und für den Winter einen Eisbahn und eine Schlittenbahn. v Auch [page 32] ein kleines Wäldchen könnte dabei sein, Aauch viele Blumenbeete und aus ländische B viele, viele Obstbäume. Ein Tischlein dech deck dert dichwäre auch heim, da könnte ich jeden Tag ein gutes Essen haben. Zuletzt auch, daß [page 33] ich immer brav bin. Stuttgart, den 19. Febr. 1934. Liebe Inge! Wie geht es dir? Hoffentlih gut. Wir waren am Donnerstag auf dem Schloß= platz. Dort haben wir um die Jubiläunssäule und der das Herzog Christorph denkmal [marginal note on the right side of the page, in red ink, apparently not by the author: [illegible line symbol]] [page 34] angesehen. Dann haben sind wir um die Stiftskirche �herumgegangen und haben sie uns von allen Seiten angeschaut. Um 3 Uhr haben wir im alten Schloß die Uhr mit den Böcklein schlagen sehen. Darauf gingen wir die Anlagen hinunter und [page 35] dann heim. Gestern war ich auch in den Anlagen mit meinen Eltern. Auf dem unteren Anlagensee sind noch Leute Schlittschuhe gefahren. Viele Grüße sendet Deine Irmgard. [marginal note on the right side of the page, in red ink, apparently not by the author: [illegible line symbol]] [page 36] Stuttgart, den 1. März 1934. Auf dem Rathausturm. Vorigen Donnerstag machten wir einen Lerngang auf den Marktplatz. Wir ([illegible strikethrough]) gingen stiegen von immer Führer begleitet auf den Rathausturm. Im̄ er wenn �ich glaubtete man wäre jetzt oben, so ging es [page 37] nah ho weiter hinauf. Endlich waren wir oben. Wir war ganz sonderbar zu mMut. Ich dachte: Wenn ich jetzt da hinunter sollen würde. Aber das konnte ja nicht sein. Wir sahen den Bismarckturm auf der Höhe. (Es sah ganz sav) Wir sahen auch auf den Markt= [page 38] platz hinunter. Die Leute und die Häuser sahen ganz klein aus. Wir sahen auch Villa Reitzen= stein. Auf der anderen Seite sahen wir den Bobhser und den degerlaher Ausichts= turm. Auch sah man in d[smudged] Altstadt hinab. [marginal note on the left side of the page, in red ink, apparently not by the author: [illegible line symbol]] [page 39] Stuttgart, den 18. Apr. 1934. Am Ostersonntagg. Am Ostermorgen wachte ich schon um 6 Uhr auf. �Um ¼ 4 Uhr sichte mein Bruder und ich schon die Sachen, die wir zu Ostern bekommen hatten. Mittags gingen wir auf die Weißenhof zu unsern [page 40] Verwandten. Dort durften wir noch einmal suchen. Dann liefen wir Stelzen und spielten Störchles. Später tranken wir Kaffee. Gegen Abend machte mein Vater den Graf von Lugen= burg vor. Wir machten es alle nach. Meistens kam ich nicht recht mit. [page 40] Abends spielte wir noch im Garten. Dann gingen wir heim. Mein Bäschen und ich gingen immer miteinander. Als wir daheim waren, aßen wir zu Stacht und gingen ins Bett. Stuttgart, den 3. Mai 1934. Gestern war ein Gewitter. Wir waren gestern mittag bei Bekommten in Degerloch. Wir kinder waren �gerade im Garten, da wurde der Himmel ganz schwarz. Wir mußten [page 41] schwitzten sehr, aber wir mußten, daß ein Gewitter kommt. Wir machten uns nicht viel daraus und spielten weiter. Noch einer Weile sagten unsre Mütter, m wir sollten ins Haus gehen kaum waren wir in Haus, da regnete, blitzte und damerte es furchtbar. Vor lauter Regen konnte man nicht mehr zum Fenster hinausschauen. Als wir heim gingen, regnete es noch immer. Meine Schuhe und Strümpfe wurden ganz von Schmutz bespritzt. Ehe wir in die Straßenbahn stiegen, w hiel ein Bub von uns der helmet heißt, in den dreck, daß er ganz über und über scmutzige hände hatte. Er konnte gar nichts mehr anregen. Konnte. Ein Herr in der Straßenbahn gab ihm eine S parr kleinen Servietten aus Papier, daß Helmus seine Hände ab= putzen konnte. Als wir aus der Straßenbahn stiegen stiegen, reg= [page 42] nete es noch immer ein bißchen. Stuttgart, den 28. Mai 1934. Unser Herzgang auf die Solitude. Am Montag, den 14. Mai machten wir �einen F großen Lerngang. Wir sammelten uns um 8 Uhr vor den Hauptbahnhof und fuhren mit der Straßenbahn nach Gerlingen. Eine saltestelle s vor dem darf stiegen wir aus und gingen durch die Felder. An einen Bauernhaus sahen wir zwei Schäfleins mit ihrem Jungen. [page 43] Wir pakten sie an ihrem dicken, wolligen Fell Fell. In den Wiesen fanden wir schon viele Blumen, z. B. Blutstrüpfchen, Wiesensalbaei, Lichtelken, Vargißmeimicht, gelben Hahnenfuß, Margaretchen, Wiesenbosabart, Hirtentäschelkraut, Nelkemumz, u. A a. während des Blumensuchens sahen wir eine Lerche hoch in die Lüfte aufsteigen und hörten ihren jubelnden Gesang. In Gerlingen gingen wir auf den Friedhof [page 44] und besahen uns das Grab von Schillers Vater und Schwester. Von da aus gingen wir durch das darf hindurch und kamen auf einen Feldweg, der auf die Höhe führte. Hier konnte man an mehreren Stellen den buntfarbigen Kenger sehen, aus dem der Berg besteht, auf der Höhe angelangt, wanderten wir auf der Leonbergen Straße der Solitude zu. �Als wir endlich das Schlos durch die Bäume schimmere sahen, freuten wir [page 45] aus, dann wir waren sehr müde geworden. Wir legten uns auf dem sonnigen Platz vor dem Schlus ins Gras und ruhten aus und wesperten. Nachdem wir das Schloß und seine Angeburg besichttigt und nach einige Spiele ge= macht hatten, traten wir traurig, weil wir die schöne Gegend verlassen mußten, den Heimweg an. [note on page, in red ink, apparently not by the author: [illegible line symbol]] [page 46] Stuttgart, den 6. Juni 1934. Kommt, wir wollen spielen! Vorigen Sommer spielten wir Staffellauf. Alle Kind so Kinder fast nun unseren Haus, das sind nämlich viele und noch von den Nachbarhäusern. [insert with unclear placement: spielten mit] Ich war in der Abteilung, wo die großen Büben waren. Die konnten besser springen, obwohl in der anderen Abteilung auch Große waren. Nun gings los. [page 47] Ich zag Schuhe und Strünofe aysm daß ich besser springen konnte. Meine Abteilung gewarn immer. �Als ich wieder hinauf mußte in die Wohnung, schwitzte ich furchtbar, daß ich schweißig wär. In unseren hof wird wirklich Plattenhahfe nst grußen E Eiser betrieben. Immer wann wir gute Steine zum Werfen finden, bewahren wir sie uns auf, daß wir am nächsten Hopfen gewinnen. [page 48] Aber manchmal haben wir auch Anglück Beim Werfen und hofe Hopfen. Stuttgart, den 11. Juni 1934. Unser Lerngang nach Vaihingen. Am Donnerstgag den 7. Juni machten wir wieder einen Lerngang. Diesmal Diesmal trafen sam̄ elten wir aus am Schwab= tunnel, und dann gings die Hasenberg= ste steige hinauf. Am Wasserwerk bogen wir links ab und gingen der Weg, der am Abhang des Hasenbergs enkangführt. [marginal note on the right side of the page, in red ink, apparently not by the author: [illegible line symbol]] [page 49] Wir kamen an vielen Weinbergen und Gärten vorbei und sahen schon einige reife Johannisbeeren und viele reife Kirschen. Unter uns im Tal lag die Karlswarstadt, auf der gegenüber= liegenden göhe erblickten wir ein paar �einige häuser von Degerloch und den Degerlocher Aussichtsturm, und vor uns sahen wir die Filderebenn Filderebene mit Mähringen und Vaihingen. Plötzlich entdekten wir, daß wir auf den Eisenbahntun̄ el [page 50] Ster standen, das der durch den hasenberg führt. Eben läutete es, des halb warteten wir eine Weile und bald sahen wir den Zug aus dem Berg hervorkommen. In kurzer Zeit erreichten wir den Wald und wan= derten auch schattigen Wagen zur Aussichtsplatte „Himmel“. Hier hielten Wir kurze Rast und liesen uns das Vesperbrat gut schenken. Als wir fertig Nach dem Vesper stiegen wir zu dem [page 51] Stienbruch in Dagswald hinunter. Hier sahen wir grußen St weiße Stuben= Standsteibläke. Zwei Männer waren damit beschäftigt. Stein laszubrechen, und einer berarbeitete sie, und wachte Grabstein daraus. Von h hier aus Stir stiegen wir auf einen schmalen Weg auf die Höhe, und kommen gelangten bei Vaihen Vaihingen zu einen zweitem nochmals zu einem Steinbruch. Hier waren die Steine dunkel, fast schwarz, man nenne sie �[page 52] hias oders schwarzen Tura. Beim Betrachten der Sts Steine entdeckten wir ein versteinertes Schneckenhaus. Nun gings durch Vaihingen hindurch zum römischen Wachhaus. Dort lagerten wir uns und hielten Mittagspause. Nach dersellen wanderten wir durch einen schönen Wald zum Schatten und zum aus zum Bärenschlößchen. Hier verweilten wir uns ein wenig, während wobei einige von uns zwei Aufführungen mochten. [page 53] Dann gingen wir fröhlich mit Ge= sangen nach Hause. Stuttgart, den 4. Juli 1934 Unser Lerngang auf das Burgholz. Am n Montag, den 2. Juli machte unsere Klasse wieder einen Lerngang. Diesess= Mal sammelten wir uns auf der Daggenburg. Wir gingen an Wald Entlang und fanden eine hellbaue Blume, die W heißt Wegwarte. Wir wollten eine dafon davon mitehmen, aber der [marginal note on the left side of the page, in red ink, apparently not by the author: [illegible line symbol]] [page 54] Stengel war so zäh, daß wir ihn nur Mit einem Messr abschneiden kon̄ ten. �Dann gingen wir über den S Gähkopf. Dark Dort sahen wir ein geschnittenes Reps= feld. Ein Mann mit einer Rätsche stand mitten im Feld und vertrieb die Vögel. Als wir die Samen von Reps angeschaut hatten, gingen wir über die Weißenhofsindlung. Dort kommen an Weißenhof sahen wir einen ausgebrauchten Steinbruch. Wir an einen Platz vorbei wo Blinden= [page 55] gingen wir auf einen Weg und über zwei Straßen an das Tor, wo man auf das Burgholz ein aufsteigt. Der Weg ging durch viele Weinberge und am Tierheim vorbei zum Auftichtsturm. Kurz von dem Turm lagerden wir aus. Es Wir wesperten und machten einige Spiele. Als Nachdem wir ungefähr 2 Stunden da waren, stiegen wir auf den Auf Aussichturm hinauf. Dort hatten wir eine schön [page 56] Aussicht. Wir sahen den Necker, den Korber Kopf, den Schurwald, und nach vieles Andere. Nachdem wir alles gesehen hatten, stiegen wir wieder hinunter. Unten al angelangt wanderten wir zu dem Muschelkalksteinbruch. Der Neker fluß im̄ er neben unsrer Straße her. �Wir fanden einige seltene Steine, und wanderten wieder dn den Weg zurück. Bald kommen wir zu einer Ziegelei, die wir uns von in̄ en anschauen durften. [page 57] Nach der Besichtigung wanderten wir weiter und kamen zu einen Sauerwasserkalksteinebruch. Da lagen große, mächtige F Sauerwasser= kalksteinbläke. Wir sagen zu, wie n ein Mann in einen Heim ein Loch hineinbehrte. Dann gingen wir unter einer große Eisenbahnbrücke und gingen dann von unten in den Steinbruch hinein und schauten ihn an. Von dort aus gigen wir am [page 58] Elektrizitätswerk vorbei zur Straßen= Bahnhaltestelle und führen heim. Stuttgart, den 9. Juli April 1934 E Wenn Besuch kommt. Ich fraue mich allen immer, wenn Besuch kommt. An meinem Geburts= tag kam auch Besuch. Da kommen alle meine Freundinnen. Es waren un= gefähr zwölf Kinder. Da konnten wir fein spielen. Beim d Esen machten wir Hänsel und Gretel und Selephan. �[marginal note on the right side of the page, in red ink, apparently not by the author: [illegible line symbol]] [page 59] Beim ~ Jelegharieren kamen zuletzt oft ganz komische Sachen heraus. Später machten wir auch nach lustigen Spiele. Abends gab er Pudding und eingemachte Erdbeeren. Dann mußten sie nacheinander heim. Ich fraue mich aber nach ärger, wenn meine Großmutter kommt. Die weiß immer etwas zu erzählen, obwohl sie in Stuttgart auf dem Weißenhof wohnt. Sie bringt n uns auch immer etwas mit. Manchmal kommen auch meine [page 60] Böbchen von Weißenhof. Da wird dann Auch immer schön gespielt. Manchmal verkleiden wir uns mit Fetzen und andere alten Sachen. Aber leider geht der Nachmittag so schneel vorbei und sie müssen heim. Stuttgart, den 18. Juli 1934. Unser Lerngang auf den Württenberg. Vorgestern um Montag den 16. Juli, machten wir wieder einen Lerngang. Diesmal sammelten wir aus auf dem [marginal note on the left side of the page, in red ink, apparently not by the author: [illegible line symbol]] [page 61] �Schloßplatz. Nachdem wir alle beisammen waren, fuhren wir mit dem 26er nach unter Untertürk= heim. Wir sahen auf das Statdion im Vorüberfahren. Eine oder zwei haltestellen nach dem St Statdion stiegen wir aus, und nun gings steil den Württenberg hinauf. Auf einmal war am Weg eine Steinwand, wo man den Gipsmergel sehen konnte. Viele von aus fanden [back inside cover] [cover is blank] [back cover] [cover is blank] � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Description An account of the resource Ernst Stuhlinger was born in 1913 in Niederrimbach, Germany, and died in 2008 in Huntsville, AL, USA. Stuhlinger was a German scientist brought to the United States through Operation Paperclip, and like many of his Paperclip peers, he became a naturalized United States citizen in 1955. Stuhlinger’s accomplishments in both promoting and advancing space travel were many. He worked as a technical consultant with Walt Disney Pictures to create “Man in Space” (1955), “Man and the Moon” (1955), and “Mars and Beyond” (1958). Stuhlinger contributed to the 1958 launch of the Explorer I satellite by inventing a timing device, helped design the solar x-ray telescope used in the Skylab space station, worked on the Apollo Telescope Mount, worked on the initial phases for what would become the Hubble Space Telescope, and authored “Ion Propulsion for Space Flight.” Stuhlinger served as the Marshall Space Flight Center in Huntsville’s director of the Space Sciences Laboratory from 1960 to 1968, and then as the associate director for science from 1968 to 1975; he retired in 1975. After retiring, Stuhlinger joined the University of Alabama in Huntsville as an adjunct professor and senior research scientist, and he stayed on for two decades. Relation A related resource <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/resources/91">View the Ernst Stuhlinger Collection finding aid on ArchivesSpace</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context spc_stuh_000013_transcript Title A name given to the resource Transcript of Irmgard Stuhlinger School Essays, from No. 15 Description An account of the resource Irmgard Stuhlinger was the wife of Ernst Stuhlinger, a scientist acquired in Operation Paperclip. In these school essays, she discusses her daily life in Stuttgart, Germany, as a child. When writing these essays she was 8-9 years old. Some of the topics include letters to family members, a fictional story, Christmas, descriptions of the weather, and talking about field trips. Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1930-1939 Subject The topic of the resource Stuhlinger, Irmgard Lotze School field trips Family Christmas Germany--History--1933-1945 Stuttgart (Germany) Type The nature or genre of the resource Essays Transcripts Text Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Box 2 University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives, Special Collections, and Digital Initiatives, Huntsville, Alabama Language A language of the resource de Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Relation A related resource spc_stuh_2023_02 Has Format A related resource that is substantially the same as the pre-existing described resource, but in another format. <a href="http://libarchstor2.uah.edu/digitalcollections/items/show/13451">Irmgard Stuhlinger School Essays, from No. 15</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Stuhlinger, Irmgard Lotze https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/19/13453/spc_stuh_000014_combined.pdf ca03c568343dd0e293fc9fc96d91d9a0 PDF Text Text �������������������������������������������� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Description An account of the resource Ernst Stuhlinger was born in 1913 in Niederrimbach, Germany, and died in 2008 in Huntsville, AL, USA. Stuhlinger was a German scientist brought to the United States through Operation Paperclip, and like many of his Paperclip peers, he became a naturalized United States citizen in 1955. Stuhlinger’s accomplishments in both promoting and advancing space travel were many. He worked as a technical consultant with Walt Disney Pictures to create “Man in Space” (1955), “Man and the Moon” (1955), and “Mars and Beyond” (1958). Stuhlinger contributed to the 1958 launch of the Explorer I satellite by inventing a timing device, helped design the solar x-ray telescope used in the Skylab space station, worked on the Apollo Telescope Mount, worked on the initial phases for what would become the Hubble Space Telescope, and authored “Ion Propulsion for Space Flight.” Stuhlinger served as the Marshall Space Flight Center in Huntsville’s director of the Space Sciences Laboratory from 1960 to 1968, and then as the associate director for science from 1968 to 1975; he retired in 1975. After retiring, Stuhlinger joined the University of Alabama in Huntsville as an adjunct professor and senior research scientist, and he stayed on for two decades. Relation A related resource <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/resources/91">View the Ernst Stuhlinger Collection finding aid on ArchivesSpace</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context spc_stuh_000014 Title A name given to the resource Irmgard Stuhlinger School Essays, 1934-1935 Description An account of the resource Irmgard Stuhlinger was the wife of Ernst Stuhlinger, a scientist acquired in Operation Paperclip. In these school essays, she discusses her daily life in Stuttgart, Germany, as a child. When writing these essays she was 9-10 years old. Topics of the essays include family life, a fictional moral story, descriptions of the weather, as well as significant historic events such as the Saarabstimmung (1935 Saar status referendum). Furthermore, she mentions Adolf Hitler (German chancellor) and the Sturmabteilung (Paramilitary organization run by Nazi Germany) in these essays. In this collection, she includes an illustration with each essay. Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1930-1939 Subject The topic of the resource Stuhlinger, Irmgard Lotze School field trips Family Christmas Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiter-Partei. Sturmabteilung Germany--History--1933-1945 Stuttgart (Germany) Type The nature or genre of the resource Essays Still Image Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Box 2 University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives, Special Collections, and Digital Initiatives, Huntsville, Alabama Language A language of the resource de Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Relation A related resource spc_stuh_2023_02 Has Format A related resource that is substantially the same as the pre-existing described resource, but in another format. <a href="http://libarchstor2.uah.edu/digitalcollections/items/show/13454">Transcript of Irmgard Stuhlinger School Essays, 1934-1935</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Stuhlinger, Irmgard Lotze https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/19/13454/spc_stuh_000014_transcript.pdf 4ca9a29f7a67a1f9aa69a9843950f92b PDF Text Text [front cover] [bolded text is printed] Irmgard Lotze [left side of page, vertically written top to bottom] angefangen: 28. Mai 1934 beendigt: 19 [vertical boxes on left margin, vertically written, top to bottom] Nr. Name: Wohnort: Stuttgart Nr. [front inside cover] [cover is blank] [page 1] [drawing of a school with two trees on the left side of it, three trees on the right, a sun in the sky, kids playing in front of it, and a German tricolor flag flying above it] Irmgard Lotze Stuttgart, den 28. Mai 1934 Unser Lerngang auf die Solitude Am Montag, den 14. Mai machten wir einen großen Lern= gang. Wir sammelten uns um 8 Uhr vor den Hauptbahnhof und fuhren mit der Straßenbahn nach Gerlingen. Eine Haltestelle vor [page 2] den darf stiegen wir aus und �gingen durch die Felder. An einem Bauernhaus sahen wir zwei Schäf= lein mit ihrem Jungen. Wir packte sie am ihrem Dicken, wol= ligen Fell. In den Wiesen fanden wir viele Blumen, z. B. Blutstrupfchen, Wiesensalbei, Lichtnelken, Vergiß= meinnicht, Hahnenfuß, Morganetchen, Wiesenbaksbart, Hirtentäschelkraut, Nelkwurz, u. a. Während des Blumensuchens sahen wir eine Lerche hoch in die Lüfte aufsteigen Und hörten ihren jubelenden Gesang. In Gerlingen gingen wir auf [page 3] den Friedhof und besahen aus das Grab von Schillers Vaters und Schwe= sters. Von da aus gingen wir durch das darf hindurch und kamen auf einen Feldweg, der auf die Höhe führte. Hier komte man an meh= reren Stellen den buntfarbigen Keuper sehen, aus dem der Berg besteht. Auf der Höhe angelangt, wanderten wir auf der Leonberger Straße der Solitude zu. Als wir endlich das Schloß durch die Bäume schimmern sahen, freuten wir uns, dem wir waren sehr müde �geworden. Wir legten uns [page 4] auf den sonnigen Platz vor den Schloß und seine Umgebung besichttigt und nach einigen Spiele gemacht hatten, traten wir trau= rig, weil wir die schöne Gegend verlassen mußten, den Heim= weg an. [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: ~ Sch: 6] [page 5] [drawing of children playing a game involving numbers on the floor numbered from 1 to 14, seemingly indoors] Irmgard Lotze Stuttgart, den 6. Juni 1934. Kommt, wir wollen spielen! Vorigen Sommer spielten wir Staffellauf. Alle Kinder hast von unterm Haus, das sind nämlich viele, und noch von den Nachbar= häusere spielten mit. Ich war in der Abteilung, wo die großen Buben waren. Die konnten besser [page 6] springen, obwohl in der andern Abteilung auch Große waren. Nun gings los. Ich zag Schuhe und Strumpfe aus, daß ich besser springen konnte. Meine Abteilung �gewann immer. Als ich wieder hinauf mußte in die Wohnung, schwitzte ich furchtbar, daß ich schwei= ßig war. In unsern hof wird wirkilch Plattenhopfe mit großem Eiser betrieben. Immer, wenn man wir gute Steine zum Werfen finden, bewahren wir sie uns auf, daß wir am nächsten Hopfen ge= winnen. Aber manchmal haben [page 7] wir auch auch Unglück Werfen und hopfen. [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: gut] [page 8] [page is blank] [page 9] [drawing of a child and adult in a room with a writing desk and other furniture, with an open window] Irmgard Lotze Stuttgart, den 9. Juni 1934. Wenn Besuch kommt. Ich freue mich immer, wenn Besuch kommt. An meinem Ge= burtstag kam auch Besuch. Da kamen alle meine Freundinnen. Es waren ungefähr zwölf Kinder. Da kamten wir fein spielen. Beim [page 10] Essen machten wir hänsel und �Gretel und Telephon. Beim Telephonieren kamen zuletzt oft ganz komische Sachen heraus. Später machten wir auch noch lustige Spiele. Abends gab es Pudding und eingemachte Erdbeeren. Dann mußten sie nacheindander heim. Ich freue mich aber nach ärger, wenn meine Großmutter kommt. Die weiß immer etwas zu erzählen, obwohl sie in Stuttgart auf dem Weißenhof wohnt. Sie bring uns [page 11] auch immer etwas mit. Manchmal kommen auch meine Bäschen vom Weißenhof. Da wird dann auch immer schön gespielt. Manchmal verkleiden wir uns mit Fetzen und andere alten Sachen. Aber leider geht der Nachmittag so schnell vorbei und sie müssen heim. [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: gut] [page 12] [page is blank] [page 13] [drawing of children seemingly playing in a clearing in the woods where there’s a stone structure with an archway in it] Irmgard Lotze �Stuttgart, den 11. Juni 1934. Unser Lerngang nach Vaihingen. Am Donnerstag den 4. Juni machten wir wieder einen Lerngang. Dies= mal sammelten wir aus am Schwab= tunnel, und dann gings die hasen= bergsteige hinauf. Am Wasserwerk bogen wir links ab und gingen den Weg, der am Abhang des [page 14] hasenbergs entlang führt. Wir kamen an vielen Weinbergen und Gärten vorbei und sahen schon einiger reihe Johannisbeeren und viele reihe Kir= schen. Unter aus im Tal lag die Karls= vorstadt, auf der gegenüberliegenden Höhe erblickten wir einige Häuser von Degerloch und den Degerlocher Aussichtsturm, und vor uns sahen wir die Filderebern mit Möhringen und Vaihingen. Plötzlich entdeckten wir, daß wir auf dem Eisenbahntun̄ el standen, der durch den Hasenberg [page 15] führt. Eben läutete es, deshalb war= teten wir eine Weile und bald sahen wir den Zug aus den Berg hervor= kommen. In kurzer Zeit erreichten wir den Wald und wanderten auf �schattigen Wagen zur Aussichtsplatte „Himmel“. Hier hielten wir kurze Rast und ließen uns das Vesperbrot gut schmecken. Nach dem Vesper stiegen wir zu dem Steinbruch im Dachswald hinunter. Hier sahen wir große, weiße Stubensandsteinbläke. Zwei Männer waren damit beschäf= [page 16] tigt Steine loszubrechen, und einer bearbeitete sie, und machte Grabsteine daraus. Von hier aus stiegen wir auf einem schmalen Weg auf die Höhe, und gelangten bei Vaihingen nochmals zu einem Steinbruch. Hier waren die Steine dunkel, fast scwarz man nennt sie Lias oder sSchwarzen Jura. Beim betrachten der Steine entdeckten wir ein versteinertes Schneckenhaus. Nun gings durch Vaihingen hindurch zum rämischen Wachhaus. Dort lagerten wir uns [page 17] und hielten Mittagspause. Nach derselben wanderten wir durch einen schären Wald zum Schatten und zum Bärenschlößchen. Hier verweilten wir uns ein wenig, wobei einige von uns zwei Auf= �führungen machten. Dann gingen wir fröhlich mit Gesang nach Hause [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: Sch: gut] [page 18] [page is blank] [page 19] [drawing of trees and what appears to be a stone watchtower] Irmgard Lotze Stuttgart, den 4. Juli 1934. Unser Lerngang auf das Burg= holz. Am Montag, den 2. Juli machte unsre Klasse wieder einen Lern= gang. Diesmal sammelten wir aus auf der Daggenburg. Wir gingen am Wald entlang und [page 20] fanden eine hellblaue Blume, die heißt Wegwarte. Wir wollten eine davon mitnehmen, aber der Stengel war so zäh, daß wir ihn nur mit einem Messer abschneiden kon̄ ten. Dann gingen wir über den Gähkopf. Dort sahen wir ein geschnittenes Reps= feld. Ein Mann mit einer Rätsche stand mitten in Feld und vertrieb die Vögel. Als wir die Samen von Repsange= schaut hatten, gingen wir über die Weißenhoftiedlung. Am Weißenhof �sahen wir einen ausgebrauchten [page 21] Steinbruch. Dort kamen wir an einem Platz vorbei, wo Blindenhunde abgerichtet werden. Nacher gingen wir auf einen Weg und über zwei Straßen an das Tor, wo man auf das Burgholz hinaufsteigt. Der Weg ging durch viele Weinberge und am Tierheim vorbei zum Aussichtsturm. Kurz vor dem Turm lagerten wir uns. Wir vesperten und machten einige Spiele. Nachdem wir ungefähr zwei Stunden da waren, stiegen wir auf den Aussichtsturm hinauf. Dort [page 22] hatten wir eine schöne Aussicht. Wir sahen den Neckar, den Korber Kopf, den Schurwald und noch vieles andern. Nachdem wir alles gesehen hatten stiegen wir wieder hinunter. Unter angelangt wanderten wir zu dem Muschelkalksteinbruch. Der Neckar floß immer neben unsrer Straß her. Wir fanden einige seltene Steine und wanderten wieder der Weg zurück. Bald kamen wir zu einer Ziegelei, die wir uns von innen anschauen durften. Nach der �[page 23] Besichtigung wanderten wir weiter und kamen zu einem Sauer= wasserkalksteinbruch. Da lagen große, mächtige Sauerwasserkalk= steinbläke. Wir sahen zu, wie ein Mann in einen Stein ein Loch hinerbohrte. Dann gingen wir unter eine große Eisenbahnbrücke und gingen dann von unter in den Steinbruch hinein und schauten ihn an. Von dort aus gingen wir am Elecktrizitätswerk vorbei zur Straßen= bahnhaltestelle und fuhren heim. [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: gut] [page 24] [page is blank] [page 25] [drawing of a building, seemingly a church in Württemberg] Irmgard Lotze Stuttgart, den 18. Juli 1934. Unser Lerngang auf den Württem= berg. Vorgestern, am Montag den 16. Juli, machten wir wieder einen Lerngang. Diesmal sammelten wir aus auf dem Schloßplatz. Nachdem wir alle beisam= men waren, fuhren wir mit dem 26er [page 26] �nach Untertürkheim. Wir sahen auch das Stadion im Vorüberfahren. Eine oder zwei haltestellen nach dem Stadion stiegen wir aus, und nun gings steil den Württemberg hinauf. Auf einmal waren Weg eine Steinwand, wo man den Gipsenergel sehen konnte. Viele von uns fanden schöne W weiße und rose Steine. Nun liehen wir vollends durch das dörfchen Rotenberg hindurch zur Groskapelle. Da hatten wir eine schöne Aussicht. Auch wurde hier fröhliches Vesper gehalten. Nach dem [page 27] Vesper durften wir in die Kapelle hinein. Die war reich verziert. Dann durften wir in sdie Gruftgehen und die Sarkophage ansehen, in dem König Wilhelm I und seine Gemahlin Katharina begraben waren. waren Auch die Prinzessin Marie war dort begraben. Nachher, als wir zwischen alles besichtigt hatten, gingen wir zwischen Feldern, einem Spargelfeld und am Tor vorbei zur Katharinen= linde. Dort hielten wir Mittagsrast und machten einige Spiele. Dann gingen [page 28] wir an den dorf Rüdern vorbei ins Tor �nach Eßlingen. Schon von weitem sahen wir die schöne gotische Frauenkirche und die Stadtkirche. Wir sahen auch zwei Tor= türme. Als wir ganz unten waren sahen wir, wie gerade die Rathausuhr 2 Uhr schlug. Da bewegten sich zwei Figuren und ein Adler sein Flüge dann stiegen wir zur Burg hinauf. Dort vesperten wir und machten Spiele. Nachher gingen wir den Wehrgang hin= unter und nachdem wir nochmals die Rathausuhr hatten schlagen sehen, gingen [page 29] wir zur Großenbahn und fuhren heim. [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: gut] [page 30] [page is blank] [page 31] [drawing of children playing outside, supervised by adults, seemingly in a playground, one hanging from a bar suspended between two supports, while the adults converse and watch the kids] Irmgard Lotze Stuttgart, den 10. Sept. 1934. Ein Geburtstag. Wir waren in Heidenheim. Meine Eltern waren auf einer GAutofahrt. Am 2. August hatte mein Brüderchen Ge= burtstag. Bei unserer Tante bekam er schon Sachen. Wir gingen bald zu �unseren Großeltern. Dort bekam er [page 32] 2 M und süße Sachen. Zum Mittag= essen gab es seine Leibspeise. Nach dem Mittagessen kam die Nachricht in der Zeitung, daß Hindenburg gestorben sei. Ich hgabe gleich alles gelesen. Wir gingen bald nach dem Essen wieder fort, denn wir waren bei unserer Tante eingeladen, die auf dem Otti= lienberg wohnt. Dort wurden wir zuerst tüchtig gefüttert, daß wir fast nimmer laufen konnten. Dann wur= den wir photographiert. Nachher turnten wir an einer Turnstanget. Später [page 33] spielten wir Rasperlestheater. Da hängten wir ein Tuch über die Turnstange. Später spielten Die Figuren hatte meine Tante selber gemacht. Zuerst spielten mein Brüderchen und ich. Dann mein Bäschen Lare und meine Tante. Nachher war eine Verlosung. Ich gewann einen grünen Porzellan= schuh. Geschenkt bekam ich ein Krügchen, eine Platte und eine Zahnbürste. Nun war es Zeit, daß wir zu meiner Tante in der Schnaitheimer Straße �[page 34] gingen und zu Nacht aßen. Nach dem Nachtessen fuhren wir noch mit meinem Bäschen Elisabeth Rad. [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: gut] [page 35] [drawing of two kids sitting in a flower field, holding detailed flowers, underneath a tree, with a stream passing by and a water fowl in it, a partly sunny sky] Irmgard Lotze Stuttgart, den 29. Sept. 1934. Ob ich auf dem Lande wohnen möchte? Ich weiß nicht recht, was ich sagen soll. Auf dem Land ist vieles schön und in der Stadt auch. Auf dem Land ist es so schön, in den Wiesen in hohen Gras zu sitzen [page 36] und Blumen zu pflücken und Kränzchen zu machen. Dagegen in der Stadt gibt es nicht so viele Wiesen, wie auf dem Land, aber auf der Höhe hat es schöne Wälder und Siedlungen, wo hinter den Haus auch noch schöne, große Garten sind. Eigentlich wär ich ein ganz klein bißchen lieber auf dem Land. Da kann man so schön in Heu wühlen und �schlafen, wie ich es einmal mit meinen Bäschen und meinen [page 37] gr Vettere getan habe eine Nacht. Wir waren zu sechs. Auch haben wir Kühles getan im Kuhstall, wo wir an Stelle der Kühe waren. Am liebsten wäre ich ein Jahr auf dem Land und ein Jahr in der Stadt. [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: gut] [page 38] [page is blank] [page 39] [drawing of six individuals sleeping under blankets on sleeping areas that are side by side with one another] Irmgard Lotze Stuttgart, 15. Okt. 1934. Regenwetter. Im Sommer 1933 in den Ferien wollten wir einmal an den Boden= sen fahren mit dem Sonderzug. Wir waren damals in Gebirge in Bühl am Alpsen. Von In̄ en= stadt aus wollten wir fahren. [page 40] Als wir aufwarten, war es strahlend schönes Wetter. Kaum aber hatten wir aus angezogen, �da regente es. Das war eine Enttäuschung. Da sagte mein Vater: Wir gehen nach Steibis. Dort waren unsere Verwandten in der Sommer frische. Schon war die Freunde wieder hergestellt, denn nach Steibis in das Bauernhaus gingen wir gern. Dort war große Freude, als wir kamen. Es regente aber immer noch, so daß wir nicht hinaus kamten. Da plagte [page 41] wir meinem Vater so lang, bis er uns erlaubte, daß wir dableiben durften die Nacht über. Wir saßen nun in den freien Kuhstall und spielten Kühles. Nachts schliefen wir im Heu. Das war lustig. Der Regen stränte auf das Dach der Scheues. Wir schliefen nicht lange. Morgens in aller Fröhe standen wir auf. Dann wurde ein Schwein geschlachtet. Wir sahen zu wie es gebadet wurde, wie Würste gemacht wurden und was man eben sonst nach alles tut. Zum Mittagessen [page 42] gab es ein Gäkele. Dann gingen wir heim. [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: gut] [page 43] �[drawing of a cart labeled “Winterhilfswerk” being pulled by a horse, with a child running behind it, trying to hand a package to one of the three men riding on the cart] Irmgard Lotze Stuttgart, den 22. Okt. 1934. Von Winterhilfswerk. Wirklich fährt ein Morgen vom Winterhilfswerk durch die Stadt. Er ist von Pferden gezogen und oben auf dem Wagen sind ein paar SA-Männer. Von Zeit zu Zeit hält der Wagen und ein SA=Mann bläst [page 44] auf einer Trompete. Die sammeln für arme Leute, die für den Winter keine warmen Kleider haben auch alte Sachen gehabt, welche wir und meinem Brüderchen zu klein waren. Das haben wir auch der Winterhilfe ge= geben. Es gab ein ganz großes Paket. [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: gut] [page 45] [page is blank] [page 46] [page is blank] [page 47] [drawing of an anthropomorphized hedgehog and mole, standing in front of a house seemingly built into a hill, with two windows, and an open door, a sign over the door reading “Maulwurf”, and a stone building in background, mostly sunny sky] Irmgard Lotze �Stuttgart, den 29. Okt. 1934. Der Igel und der Maulwurf. Es war einmal ein Igel. Als er werkte, daß der Winter kam, bat er den Maul= wurf ihn in seiner Höhle den Winter über wohnen zu lassen. Der Maulwurf war es zufrieden und lies ihn herein. Der Igel aber machte sich bereit in der [page 48] Wohnung des Maulwurfs, daß sich dieser alle Augenblicke stach an den Stachele des Igels. Da sagte der Maulwurf zum Igel: Die Wohnung ist für uns beide viel zu klein. Aber der Igel sagte: Wenn es nicht paßt, der soll fortgehen, ich aber bleibe da! [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: bf] [page 49] [page is blank] [page 50] [page is blank] [page 51] [drawing of a child laying in bed, with a chicken and egg on top of their covers, an adult standing by the bed, a framed piece on the wall, and a door opening to the outside nearby, where there are two adult hens, three chicks, and some hay] Irmgard Lotze Stuttgart, den 15. Nov. 1934. Auf. den Hühnerhof. Meine Mutter erzählte mir einmal: �als sie noch klein war, wohnte sie auf dem Ottilienberg in Heidenheim. Sie hatten einen großen Garten und auch Hühner. Ein Huhn hatte die Eigenschaft, daß es jeden Morgen [page 51] zum Fenster hereinkam und in das Bett meiner Mutter ein Ei legte. Einmal war meine Mutter krank, und der Doktor saß an ihrem Bett. Da kam das Huhn wieder herein und hatte gar keine Angst. Es legte sein Ei und ging wieder zum Fen= ster hinaus. Der Doktor sagte: Jetzt bin ich schon so alt und habe noch ein gesehen, daß eine Henne ihr Ei ins Bett legt. Eine andere Henne legte ein Ei auf die Kommode. Zuerst warf sie alles hinunter und dann legte [page 52] sie das Ei. An andern Tag mahte man ihr Platz, aber es paßte ihn nicht und sie flog auf den Kasten. Dort warf sie alles hinunter und dann legte sie dorhin das Ei. Zuletzt warf sie es aber doch noch hinunter. [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: gut – sgt.] [page 53] [page is blank] �[page 54] [drawing of dining table set with dining ware, with five seats, three occupied by children, one occupied by an adult, and a white tablecloth with blue trim, a woman approaching the table with a steaming pot of food, a chest of drawers in the background with a vase of flowers on it] Irmgard Lotze Stuttgart, den 19. Nov. 1934. Eintopfgericht. Warum hängen den da an den Mauern und Gartenzäunen so Plokate herum, wo eine Frau mit ihren Kindern am Tisch sitzt? Es erinnert die Leute daran, daß es wieder Eintopfsonntag ist, an dem man Eintopfgericht ißt. Manche [page 55] Leute fragen sich: Was ist denn ein Eintopfgericht? Also ein Gericht ist ein Essen, kein Landesgericht oder sonst so was. Bei einem recht einfachen Essen bleibt bekanntlich mehr Geld übrig, als bei einem mit vielleicht fünf Gängen. Gestern war auch wieder Eintopfsonntag. Bei uns hat es gestern Leipziger Allerleige= geben. Das ist allerlei Gemüse unter= einander und Kartoffel und Fleisch. Wenn man gegessen hat, kannt ein SA=Mann und halt das Geld ab. [page 56] Das Eintopgericht ist von der Regierung �deshalb aufgestellt wurden, daß Reiche den Armen helfen sollen. [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: gut] [page 56] [page is blank] [page 57] [drawing of a room with polka-dot walls, and a small multi-coloured rug, three framed pieces hanging, a child asleep in a bed, a younger child in what appears to be a play pen being supervised by an adult, and an older child walking into the room] Irmgard Lotze Stuttgart, den 26. Nov. 1934. Was ich werden möchte. Ich möchte gerne einmal Hausfrau werden und heiraten. Das ist eigentlich das Schönste. So ind der Küche hantieren, das gefällt mir. Auch möchte ich gern Kinder haben, zwei Mädchen und einen Bub. [page 58] Den Mädchen würde ich immer gleiche Kleider anziehen und sie jeden Morgen und Abend recht sauber und gründlich waschen. Den Buben natürlich noch gründliches weil er schmutziger ist. Ich würde auch oft meine Leibspeise kochen. Die Kleider für meine Kinder nähe ich selber, weil die Näherin zu teuer ist. Ich finde es auch schön, �so auch dem Markt herumzulaufen und natürlich immer das Beste zu kaufen. Ein kleines Hündchen [page 59] möchte ich noch dazu, da könnten sich meine Kinder die Zeit verdreiben. Waschen, Zimmer richten und solche Sachen arbeiten gefällt mir aber auch und so in der Wohnung herumfuhrwerken ist auch fein, nur dürfen mich meine Kinder nicht stören, sonst -. Aber gewähnlich bin ich immer nett zu ihnen. In der Ferien gehen wir auch irgendwo Schönes hin. Wenn mein Mann von Geschäft kommt, muß er immer ein gutes Essen verfinden. [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: gut] [page 60] Das wird einmal fein! [page 61] [drawing of three children outside of a fenced area, that contains what appears to be a house and yard, interacting with one another] Irmgard Lotze Stuttgart, den 3. Dez. 1934. Mein Schulweg. Ich wohne in der Seestraße. Ich gehe die Wiederholdstraße und dann die Hölderlinstraße entlang. Da sieht man �nichts Besonderes außer der Gedächtnis= kirche. Ich komme auch an dem Haus, in dem Ursula Gauß wohnt, vorbei. [page 62] Da habe ich sie eben gleich ab. Nun geht’s mit viel Geschwätz die Falkert= straße hinunter am Krankenhaus vorbei in die Schule. Oft müssen wir aber auch rennen. Einmal ging ich mit Ursel gerade heim. Da kam ein kleines Mädchen aus Ursels Haus. Ursel sagte: Margret, sag schön zu Fräulein Irmgard grüß Gott und mach auch einen Knix. Margret machte einen Knix und sagte: Grüß Gott Fräulein Irmgard. Nachher haben wir uns fast tot gelacht. [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: bf] [page 63] [page is blank] [page 64] [page is blank] [page 65] [drawing of a livingroom that contains tables, a sofa, a framed piece on the wall, and Christmas items, including a Christmas tree, other Christmas decorations, and traditional German Christmas items] Irmgard Lotze Stuttgart, den 8. Jan. 1935. In den Weihnachtsferien. Am heiligen Abend waren wir �bei meiner Großmutter. Die hat ein Bäumchen, unter dem Maria und Joseph mit dem Jesuskind, die hirten und die Schafe sind. Von meiner Großmutter bekam [page 66] ich ein Buch und Gütsle. Darauf gingen wir mit meiner Groß= mutter wieder heim. Wir wa= ren sehr ungeduldig. Auf einmal läutete es und wir durften ins Zimmer. Zuerst sangen wir, dan̄ schauten wir unsere Sachen an. Unter anderem bekam ich Schi und einen großen Herd. Dann las mein Vater die Weihnachtsgeschichte vor. Wir aßen noch zu Nachts und machten noch einige Spiele. Dan̄ gingen wir ins Bett. An einem [page 67] der Feiertage wollten wir Butter machen mit meiner kleiner Butter= maschine. Wir schloßsen sie an unsere Dampfmaschine an. Aber noch einer ½ Stunde war es noch der pure Rahm. Der war’s uns zu dum̄ und wir schlugen den Rahm vollends zu Schlagrahm. Ich habe auch auf meinem Herd gekocht. �Ich habe Pfannkuchen mit Salat, Kartoffellrei, und einmal Pudding gekocht. Als wir Pudding machen wollten, wollte die Milch gar [page 68] nicht kochen und kippte fünf=doder= sechsmal um und fiel in den Herd. Da sagte meine Mutter: Jetzt kocht nur auf dem Gas Herd weiter, ich habe jetzt satt, daß ihr die Milch immer umkippen laßt. Einmal war ich auch in Theater. Da wurde gerade „Peterchens Mondfahrt“ gespielt. Das war sehr nett. Am letzten Samstag der Ferien dufte ich mit meiner Mutter nach Heidenheim reisen. Am Son̄ tag, als ich zum Fenster hinausschaute, [page 69] war die Gegend ganz weiß. Ich zog mich rasch an und rannte zu meinem Großvaters: Fein, es hat geschneit, da kön̄ en wir gleich bahnen. Mein Großvater sagte: Nein, das hab‘ ich schon getan. Ich zog ein langes Gesicht, denn ich hätte auch gern geholfen, aber da konnte man ja nichts machen. Nachher machte mein �Großvater mit mir eine Schneeballenschlacht. Als wir genug hatten, gingen wir oben [page 70] zum Garten hinaus und waren auf denn Berg. Wir liefen ein Weilchen noch auf dem Berg herum, dann gingen wir wieder heim. Am nächsten Tag reisten wir wieder ab. [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: gut] [page 71] [drawing of a street corner with four houses in view, two with flags carrying a swastika ensign, two with flags of the black-white-red tricolor that was co-official with the swastika flag in this time period, a person pushing a cart in front of one of the houses, and a car driving through the street] Irmgard Lotze Stutgart, den 16. Jan. 1935. Ein Freudentag. Am Sonntag war die Saarabstim= mung. Alle Leute an der Saar und in ganz Deutschland waren gespan̄ t darauf, wie das Ergebnis ausfallen würde. Als wir am Dienstag in die Schule kamen, durften wir [page 72] gleich in die Turnhalle hinunter, um das Wahlergebnis hören. Zuerst spielte Musik, dann wurden die Zahlen vergelesen, wie in den �Städten und dörfere der Saar gewählt werden war. Darauf erstattete Gauleider Bürkel dem Führer Bericht über das Ergebnis. Dann sprach Adolf Hitler und darauf Dr. Goebbels. Dann wurden noch einige Lieder gesungen. Gleich nach der kaufe gingen wir in den Schulhof zur Flaggenhissung. Herr [page 73] Rektor hielt eine Ansprache und dann durften wir heim. Als wir aus der Schule kamen, waren alle Straßen voll Fahren. Mittags ging ich mit meinem Eltern in die Stadt. Es war ein richtiges Fahren= meer. In einem Schaufenster sahen wir ein große Marzipanplatte. Darauf war die Handkarte der Saar gemacht und oben stand: deutsch die Saar. Den Fackelzug, der am Abend war, habe ich nicht gesehn. [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: gut] [page 74] [page is blank] [page 75] [drawing of a classroom filled with 10 students and a teacher, with framed pieces on the wall] Irmgard Lotze �Stuttgart, den 21. Jan. 1935. Mein erster Schultag. Das war ein Ereignis, als es hieß: Heute gehst du das erstmal in die Schule! Mir war’s ganz sonderbar zu Mut, als ich mit dem Ranzen neben meines Mutter herwanderte. Als ich mit meiner Mutter in das [page 76] Schulzimmer kam, waren schon viele Kinder da. Die standen alle mit ihrer Mutter oder ihrem Vater um den Pult, wo die Lehrerin, Fräulein Roos, stand und die Namen aufschrieb. Nun gingen wir an den Platz und die Eltern standen hinten die Wand entlang. Jedes Kind hatte ein Bildchen auf seinem Platz. Nach einer Weile kamen die größeren Mädchen und spielten ein Stücklein vor. Ich glaube es war der Puppendoktor. Als es herdig war, [page 77] durften wir wieder heim. Daheim gab es natürlich ein großes Erzählen. [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: gut] [page 78] [page is blank] �[page 79] [drawing of a building on fire, being put out by several firemen, with several children and an adult looking on] Irmgard Lotze Stuttgart, den 28. Jan. 1935. Die Feuerwehr kommt! Ich ging einmal mit meinem Bruder und unserem Mädchen zum Bühm. Da schaute eine Frau zu einem Fenster heraus und sagte: Das Alte Schloß bren̄ t! So schnell wir konnten rannten wir hinunter. Richtig, da stand schon der [page 80] ganze Turm in Flammen! Viel konnten wir nicht sehen von der Feuerwehr, aber wir hörten um so mehr das Rasseln und Zischen der Spritzen. Nach einigen Tagen gingen wir mit un= serem Großvater um das Alte Schloß herum. Hinten war ein Teil ganz eingestürzt und hing voll Eiszapfen. Unten aber lag eine ganz zerbrultes Gestell eines Wagens. Es hing voll Schmutz, daß man es kaum erkommen konnte. Sonst habe ich nichts Besonderes erlebt. [note on the page written in red ink, apparently not by the author: gut] [back inside cover] [cover is blank] �[back cover] [cover is blank] � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Description An account of the resource Ernst Stuhlinger was born in 1913 in Niederrimbach, Germany, and died in 2008 in Huntsville, AL, USA. Stuhlinger was a German scientist brought to the United States through Operation Paperclip, and like many of his Paperclip peers, he became a naturalized United States citizen in 1955. Stuhlinger’s accomplishments in both promoting and advancing space travel were many. He worked as a technical consultant with Walt Disney Pictures to create “Man in Space” (1955), “Man and the Moon” (1955), and “Mars and Beyond” (1958). Stuhlinger contributed to the 1958 launch of the Explorer I satellite by inventing a timing device, helped design the solar x-ray telescope used in the Skylab space station, worked on the Apollo Telescope Mount, worked on the initial phases for what would become the Hubble Space Telescope, and authored “Ion Propulsion for Space Flight.” Stuhlinger served as the Marshall Space Flight Center in Huntsville’s director of the Space Sciences Laboratory from 1960 to 1968, and then as the associate director for science from 1968 to 1975; he retired in 1975. After retiring, Stuhlinger joined the University of Alabama in Huntsville as an adjunct professor and senior research scientist, and he stayed on for two decades. Relation A related resource <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/resources/91">View the Ernst Stuhlinger Collection finding aid on ArchivesSpace</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context spc_stuh_000014_transcript Title A name given to the resource Transcript of Irmgard Stuhlinger School Essays, 1934-1935 Description An account of the resource Irmgard Stuhlinger was the wife of Ernst Stuhlinger, a scientist acquired in Operation Paperclip. In these school essays, she discusses her daily life in Stuttgart, Germany, as a child. When writing these essays she was 9-10 years old. Topics of the essays include family life, a fictional moral story, descriptions of the weather, as well as significant historic events such as the Saarabstimmung (1935 Saar status referendum). Furthermore, she mentions Adolf Hitler (German chancellor) and the Sturmabteilung (Paramilitary organization run by Nazi Germany) in these essays. The transcript includes a description of each illustration. Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1930-1939 Subject The topic of the resource Stuhlinger, Irmgard Lotze School field trips Family Christmas Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiter-Partei. Sturmabteilung Germany--History--1933-1945 Stuttgart (Germany) Type The nature or genre of the resource Essays Transcripts Text Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Box 2 University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives, Special Collections, and Digital Initiatives, Huntsville, Alabama Language A language of the resource de Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Relation A related resource spc_stuh_2023_02 Has Format A related resource that is substantially the same as the pre-existing described resource, but in another format. <a href="http://libarchstor2.uah.edu/digitalcollections/items/show/13453">Irmgard Stuhlinger School Essays, 1934-1935</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Stuhlinger, Irmgard Lotze https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/19/13455/spc_stuh_000015_combined.pdf 14969a59c710de7f523aad9859660705 PDF Text Text ����������������������������������������������������������������� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Description An account of the resource Ernst Stuhlinger was born in 1913 in Niederrimbach, Germany, and died in 2008 in Huntsville, AL, USA. Stuhlinger was a German scientist brought to the United States through Operation Paperclip, and like many of his Paperclip peers, he became a naturalized United States citizen in 1955. Stuhlinger’s accomplishments in both promoting and advancing space travel were many. He worked as a technical consultant with Walt Disney Pictures to create “Man in Space” (1955), “Man and the Moon” (1955), and “Mars and Beyond” (1958). Stuhlinger contributed to the 1958 launch of the Explorer I satellite by inventing a timing device, helped design the solar x-ray telescope used in the Skylab space station, worked on the Apollo Telescope Mount, worked on the initial phases for what would become the Hubble Space Telescope, and authored “Ion Propulsion for Space Flight.” Stuhlinger served as the Marshall Space Flight Center in Huntsville’s director of the Space Sciences Laboratory from 1960 to 1968, and then as the associate director for science from 1968 to 1975; he retired in 1975. After retiring, Stuhlinger joined the University of Alabama in Huntsville as an adjunct professor and senior research scientist, and he stayed on for two decades. Relation A related resource <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/resources/91">View the Ernst Stuhlinger Collection finding aid on ArchivesSpace</a> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context spc_stuh_000015 Title A name given to the resource Irmgard Stuhlinger 1944-1945 Journal Description An account of the resource Irmgard Stuhlinger was the wife of Ernst Stuhlinger, a scientist acquired in Operation Paperclip. In this journal she details her daily life starting from her 19th birthday under the rule of the Third Reich, toward the end of the second World War. She touches on topics such as war, post-secondary education, death of family members, the acquisition of housing, and holidays in the latter part of the war. Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1940-1949 Subject The topic of the resource Stuhlinger, Irmgard Lotze Stuhlinger, Werner Family Holidays World War, 1939-1945--Germany Germany--History--1933-1945 Stuttgart (Germany) Type The nature or genre of the resource Diaries Still Image Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Box 2 University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives, Special Collections, and Digital Initiatives, Huntsville, Alabama Language A language of the resource de Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Relation A related resource spc_stuh_2023_02 Has Format A related resource that is substantially the same as the pre-existing described resource, but in another format. <a href="http://libarchstor2.uah.edu/digitalcollections/items/show/13456">Transcript of Irmgard Stuhlinger 1944-1945 Journal</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Stuhlinger, Irmgard Lotze https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/19/13456/spc_stuh_000015_transcript.pdf 2175dd1d27880000702299b9eb34fc7b PDF Text Text [front cover] [damaged design on front cover] [front inside cover] [stamp on top left of page] M. Freytag Stuttgart [page 1] [page is blank] [page 2] [page is blank] [page 3] Tagebuch Irmgard Lotze. [page 4] [page is blank] [page 5] Doerstag, 24. Februar 1944. Mein 19. Geburstag. Morgens helfe ich bei Schwenkels, deren Haus beim Luft= �angriff von 20. auf 21. Febr. Schwer bescheidige, würde. Nachmittags kom̄ t Papa u. wir feiren Geburtstag. Werner ist auch da, er hat 14 Tage Urlaub. Großmama Lotze kam von Schwenkels zu uns herunter. In der nach 5 Stunden lang Fliegeralarm. Freitag, 25. Februar 1944. Großmama Lotze fährt nach Ravensburg u. ich begleite sie bis Ulm. In Stuttgart mussen wir 1½ Stu. auf den Abgang des Zuges warten. In Ulm ist Alarm, wir müssen in den Keller. Dan̄ setze ich groß= mama in der Zug u. fahre selber wie= der nach Hause. Nachts wieder 5 Stunden Alarm. [page 6] Samstag, 26. Februar 1944. Morgens schlafen mir uns. Nachmittags kom̄ t Papa von Lieblingen u. Abends Mamma Von Straßburg, er hatte Onkel Herman̄ der Besucht. Son̄ tag, 27. Februar Der ganzen Tag daheim. Ich schreibe Briefe. Montag, 28. Februar. Mama, Werner u. ich gehen nach dem Essen in den Film „der weiße Traum”. Große Ausstattung. Dan̄ treffe ich mich mit Rose Göhrum u. Brigitte Kleebaum �im Kaffee dauer. Ich stau mich mehr recht waren wieder mit den beiden. Als ich heimraume ist Hans Armbruster da u. halt sein Schi. Treuliche Nachricht: ich muß noch nicht in die Schule u. fahre deshalb am. [page 7] Dienstag, 29. Februar Mit Werner für einen Tag mich hei= denheim. Wir fahren 6.28 mit Schnellzug ab u. sind mich 9 Uhr in Heidenheim. Zu= erst gehen wir zu Tante [1 word illegible], vor wir zu einem Frühstuck genötigt werden. Dan̄ in’s Altenheim zu Großmama. Große Freunde u. mit Essen. Dan̄ wieder zu Tante [1 word illegible] zum Kaffee. Tante Hans u. Hans Uli sind auch da. Etwas steif. Nun kurzer Besuch bei Tante Luise. Vor unser Abreise um 6 Uhr müssen wir vorbei Tante [1 word illegible] [1 word illegible] essen. Dan̄ werden wir von Hern u. Hans Uli auf den Bahnhof begleitet u. fahren über Ulm nach Hause. Daheim höre ich, daß ich wieder in die Schule soll, die Schuler sind wieder von Einsatz zu rück. Mittwoch, 1. März. Wegen Zugverspätung kom̄ e ich 1 Std. zu spät im die Schule u halte nah 3½ Stunden. Um ½ 3 Uhr wieder zu Hause. [page 8] �Don̄ erstag, 2. März. In den fruhen Morgenstunden Luftangriff auf Stuttgart. In der Stadt Riesenbrände: Neues u. Altes Schloß, Theater, Kronprinzen= palais, Starkgebäude usw. Unser Hans bleibt bis auf wenige Scheiben unbeschädigt. Ich fahre nach Leonberg in die Schule. Die letzte Stunde fällt uns wegen Fliegeralarm. Die Schule müssen wieder zum Einsatz, ich habe Freitag frei. Freitag, 3. März. Nach dem Essen zu Frau Schmitt u. Onkel Alfreds. Dan̄ machen wir einen kleinen Spaziergang. Von der Höhe aus siehe man in der Stadt noch nicht Brunde quelmen. Abends arbeiten Werner u. ich am stollen= bau in an Relenberstraße. Samstag, 4. März. In der Schule sind nur die Klassen 1 u. 2 u. die Mädchen vom 3 bis 5 da. Gemutlicher [page 9] Betrieb. Frau Schmitt u. ich kön̄ en schon mit dem 1142-Zug heimfahren. Der Zugverkehr ist jetzt wiedergerechelt. Nachmittags kom̄ t Papa, wir sitzen lange um Kaffeetisch u. schrätzen[?]. Montag, 6. März. Morgens putzen. Daheim. Dienstag, 7. März. �Nur 1. Std. Schule, ich kan̄ 11.42 Uhr heim fahren. Nachmittags mit Sibylle Volkhant bei Rose Gähum, die Geburts= tag hat. Lare Stumpft wollte auch sam= men, sie ruft aber nur da. Ihre Wohnung ist ganz ausgebran̄ t. Mittwoch, 8. März. Frl. Kupp ist da. [page 10] Don̄ erstag, 9. März. Wegen Musterung füllt die Schule uns. Vormittags Tante Clare da. Freitag, 10. März. Nachmittags kurzen Besuchern Wilfried. Abends 9-11 Uhr im Stollen. Samstag, 11. März. Nachmittags kom̄ t Papa. Son̄ tag 12. März Die Elter fahren nach Heidenheim zu Großmames Geburtstag. Ich bei allein Schein u. recht es mir gemutlich. Nach den Essen kleinen Spaziergang mit Anne [1 word illegible]. Abends kom̄ en die Eltern wieder, bringen halbeheften kuchen mit. Montag, 13. März. Abends arbeite ich von 7-9 Uhr in Stollen. [page 11] Mittwoch, 15. März. �Werner kom̄ t in Ausgang. Abends wieder Angriff auf Stuttgart. Es breut oben in der Seestraße. Koppentalstraße. Wasserstern die Seestraße hin unter. Schuden: Bei uns 1 Scheibe, Vaihingen, Schulstraße. Don̄ erstag, 16 März. Bahn fährt erst von Nordbahnhof ab. Ich Treffe Han̄ a Roser u. fahre mit ihr auf einem Lastwagen bis Feuerbach. Vor dort nach Zuffenhausen, denn vollends bis Leonberg. Nach 1 Std. Schule wieder Alarm. Ich kam̄ n erst spit heim. Freitag, 17. März. Ich fahre mit der Straßenbahn bis Zuffen= hausen u. vor da aus mit den Zug. Samstag, 18. März. Auf der Heimfahrt von Leonberg kom̄ t Alarm. Wir sitzen 2 Stdn. im feuer= bacher Tun̄ el! [page 12] Son̄ tag, 19. März. Vormittags Versammlung da Stellengemein= schaft. Nachmittags gehen die Eltern nach Vaihingen, ich korrigieren Klassenarbeiten. Montag, 20. März. Mittags Alarm, abends oftentlich Luft= warnung. Klassenarbeiten korrigieren. Dienstag 21. März. Mama in Eglosheim bei da Beerdigung �von Tante Clares Mutter. Mittwoch, 22. März. Arbeiten korrigieren. Abends öffentliche Luftwarnung. Don̄ erstag, 23. März. Nach 1 Std. Schule Fliegeralarm, noch der Entwarnung konen nur wenige Schu= ler wieder. Nachmittags kom̄ t Werner in Ausgang. Ich arbeite mit Brigitte u. Han̄ i Leins im Stollen. Öffentliche - Luftwarnung. [page 13] Freitag, 24. März. Nach 1 Std. Schule wieder öffentl. Luft= warnung. Dies mal kom̄ en aber die Schuler wieder. Mittags kom̄ t Papa kurz. Abends mit Brigitte Kleebaur in Meisterkonzert. Liederabend Marta Schilling. Schubert, Wolf, schön. Samstag, 25. März. Ich filme bei der 1. Klasse. Große Be= geisterung. Nachmittags kont Papa. Ich kleb fotos ins Album. Son̄ tag, 26. März. Vormittags mit Papa in Vaihingen bei Werner. Zerstörungen in U.! Nachmittags mit Tante Martha u. Platten (Othello, Mattheius passiern.) Montag, 27. März �Mama morgens beim Zahnarzt. Nachmit= tags gehen wir geschwind in die Stadt. Ich bekom̄ e bei Schaller ein schön Kunstmappe. Abends im Stollen. [page 14] Dienstag, 28. März. Mittags kom̄ t Werner in Ausgang. Wir machen bei herrlichem Wetter einen Spa= ziergang. Mittwoch, 29. März. Auf der Heimfahrt von Leonberg kaufe ich Plontei ein in Ditzingen. Die Schuler sind anbetracht der kom̄ enden ferien nicht mehr musterhaft. Don̄ erstag, 30 März. Letzter Schultag! Es wird nicht mehr viel gearbeitet. Verteilen der Zeugnisse. Gluck= liche Heimfahrt. Abends von 5-7 Uhr arbeite ich im Stollen. Holz wird von Wagen ab= geladen. Nacht Alarm. Freitag, 31. März. Morgens putzen usw. Mittags in der Stadt. Schmuck zur Reparatur. Häßliches Wetter. – Steibis oder Oberstaufen mit An̄ e [1 word illegible]? [page 15] Samstag, 1. April 24. Februar 1945! Vor einem Jahr habe ich mein Tagebuch an= �gefangen, das se bald wieder aufhörte. Aber nun will ich es wieder vor am fähren u. hoffentlich auch regelmäßig. Heute, an meinem 20. Geburtstag (ein wurdiges Alter, eine schie kön̄ te es jetzt im Frieden sein!) blick ich zurück auf das vergangen Jahr, das ein schweies u. ereignisreiches war! Ich frage gerad de m, wo ich aufhörte: In den Osterferien kam wirklich die Reise mit Amerarmie Stag zustande. Wir fahren zusam= men fur ein paar Tage nach Oberstaufen, wo Anne bei ihrer Tante, Frau Helgenberger wohnte, ich in einem Haus unter von Gang. Der Schnee war nicht mehr viel und schnolz im̄ er mehr weg, des halb komen wir nur da einen Tag zum Schifahren. Mein großer Wunsch war, auf einen Berg zu kom̄ en, Anne war aber nicht dafür zu haben. So machten wir einige Spaziergänge, einmal nach Stei= bis, einmal mit Peter u. Hirde, den Kindern zum Märzenbecher pflucken. Abends wir es im̄ er sehr artt u. gemutlich bei Frau Helgen= berger. An Ostern schenkt sie sogar jedem von uns beiden ein Ei u. ein Buchlein. Zum Schluß wurde das Wetter noch schön warm und son̄ ig. [page 16] Nach der Ruckkehr ging des Leben so ziemlich gleichmäßig weiter. Einmal war ich durch �Hans Uli Armbrusten bei einer Studenten= veransteltung in Tübingen eingeladen, die die ganze Nacht dauerte. Am nächsten Tag war noch eine Wanderung. Ein ander mal war bei der Kameradschaft Zeppelin in der Adelbert. Stifterstraße, wo ich im Winter u. Frühjahr vorher Tanzabend mitgemacht hatte, ein Dauertest. – Ganz selten kam ich mit An̄ e [1 word illegible] zum Tennisspielen. Das Schulleben ging im alten Tratt weiter. Etwa um 10. Juli würde Werner vor der Flak beurlaubt, da die Batterie mit den jüngeren Luftwaffenhelfern nach Schlesien kam. Er mußte von nun an mit der Einberufung zum R.A.D. rechnen. Kurz, nachdem er da war, sielen an einem Sonntagmorgen in unserer Ge= gend mehrere Bomben. Unser Haus bleib unversehrt, in Niederfeld= u. Relenberg= straße brannte es, Dreylers Haus bekam einen Volltreffer, Herr Dreyler kam ums Leben. Sie konnten fast nichts retten. Heute haben sie sich wieder= [page 17] gelassen. Wagen blindgängern, die überall in der Gegend legen, durften wir fast eine Wahn lang nicht mehr im Haus wohnen u. zagen solange zu Schwenkels. Am 20. Juli Mordanschlag �auf den Führer durch Stauffenberg! Ober mißlungen. _ _ _ Was weite geworden, wenn.....? Und nun kan̄ t eine schlim̄ e Zeit für Uns. Etwa am 25. Juli komen 2 ganz schwere, die schwestern bisher uberhauptAngriffe auf Stuttgart, vorbei die ganze Innerstadt unsere geliebten, schönen Heimatstadt zerstört wurde. Am ersten Mal kamen wir noch gut davon, in der nächsten Nacht ober, wo wir zum erstenmal beim Alarm in den Stollen gingen, da wurde unsere Gegend furchtbar zugerichtet. Im Stollen fühlte man die Erde beben. Den Anblick, als ich herauskam, werde ich ein ver= gessen! Überall Flam̄ en. Funkenregen. Feuersturm – unser Haus ofen Dachstutz, es hatte einem Volltreffer bekom̄ en, aber dank seiner stabilen Baumeise standigehalten. Zum Glück brannte es nicht. Wir müßten in die [page 18] Wohnungen u. aufpassen, daß nichts Feuer fing. Wie soh es der aus! TurenFenster heraus gerissen, Möbel zum graßen Teil zerrissen, Geschirr zer= brochen, Lampen zerfetzt – überall Schutt u. druck u. dazu ringsum brennende Häuser, wo man zum Teil �Tatenlos zusehen müßen, wie sie Nacheinander anfingen zu brennen u. nie derbrannten. Am basten erhelten Es war furchtbar! Am anderen Taglag über der Stadt eine dicke Rauchwolke, daß kaum die Saue durchkam. Die heute, zum größten Teil ganz aus= gebaubt haben außgeschräzt am Stollen herum. Wir schafften den ganzen Tag leichtere u. nicht ganz kaputte Möbelstärke in den Keller hierunter. Nachts schliefen wir in Liegestühlen um Stollen. Papa war auch da. Wahren kon̄ ten wir nun nicht mehr im Haus, deshalb mehr uns Papa zu möchst zu sich mach Löblinge auf den Fliegerherst in seine Offizierswohnung (2 zim̄ er mit Bad), wo wir wir 3-6 Wochen alle wohnen kon̄ ten (ich hatte je Ferien) u. uns allmählich ganz nett [page 19] ein richteten u. auf Elektrekofen kochen. Sehr oft fähren wir nach Stuttgart hinun= ter, um in der Wohnung etwas Ordnung zu machen. Bald began̄ es da auch so durchzurechnen, daß die Möbel ganz durch mußt waren u. in die noch trockeneren Räume gestellt wurde. Was mächlich war wurde im Keller u. Erdgeschoß verstaut. Werner u. ein Soldat reparierten Fenster �und Türen. Da die hinteren Räume noch ganz gut erhelten waren, hofften wir im̄ er, wen̄ ein Notdach aufs Haus käme, kön̄ ten wir wieder einziehen. Nach Großsachsenheim u. Teil der Stadt wurden Möbel rerlagert. In Böblingen fähren wir im̄ er bei Tagesalarm mit Rädern u. Auto wan Sonst weg in den Wald. Manchmal gingen wir nach Sindelfingen ins kä... [?] u. einmal machten Werner u. ich mit den Räder einen Besuch bei Hildgard mit ihren Ameile u. Groß= Mama in Hülben. Das war arg nett. Ein paar mal kam Eris Keller, ein wunderbarer Violinspieler, Medizin= student, der auf dem Fliegerfaust war, zu uns zum Abendessen u. spielte uns, [page 20] viel Schänes, was wir wollten, auf der Geiger war. Als um den 1. September die Schule wieder Begann, fahr ich eben von Böblingen aus nach Leonberg. Aber nun war unseres Bleibens nicht mehr lange, wechender starken Gefährdung mußteb wir den Fliegerhorst verlassen. Militärisch hatte sich nämlich die Tage unheimlichrerschärst: Die Engländer u. Amerikaner �hatten mit unheimlicher Schnelligkeit Ganz Frankreich zurückerobbert, so daß wan meinte, in Bälde sind sie bei uns. Nun zahen wir eben vorläufig wieder nach Stuttgart zu Schwenkels. Am 12. September – Mama u. Werner waren gerade in Hülben – mußte unser liebes Stuttgart wieder einen furchtbaren Ge Angriff uber sich ergesen lassen. Auf dem Weißenhof passierte nicht viel, es riß eben Fenster u. Türen heraus, aber unsere Seestraßengegend wurde vikkebds zu grundilch zerstört, daß kein einziges Haus wei u. breit mehr stand. In unserem bran̄ te der 2. u. 3. Stock, [page 21] alte auch unsere Wohnung, ganz aus u. somit war unsere Hoffnung ver= michtet, einmal wieder hier wohnen zu kön̄ ten. Es verbran̄ te ziemlich an Wir= beln, Büchern, Kocheneinsichtung, aber vieles war je auch im Keller u. Erdgeschoß gerettet. Bei einem etwas früheren Angriff entstand auch ein Riesen-Bombentrichtergerade vor unserem Haus, so daß alles kaum wie derzu erken̄en war. Die Fahre nach Leonberg wurde auch im̄ er schwieriger, weil im̄ er noch den An= �griffen die Zuge nicht mehr recht fähren. Einmal reisten Werner u. ich geschwind nach Heidenheim, um [1 word illegible] u. sonstiges dorthin zu verlogern. Groß= mama freute sich an̄ sehr, uns zu sehen, war aber im̄ er so in Sorge um uns. Tante [1 word illegible] zwollte [?], wir sollen zu ihr ziehen. Tante Johan̄ a Vögelein war je gestorben u. hatte eine RiesenErbschaft sie terlassen [?]. Ein zweites Mal fähr ich mit Mama im Oktober in den Herbscheinen hin auf. Wir ließen uns da beide dauernaller wachen. [page 22] In Stuttgart war das Leben kein ver= gängliches mehr. Kaum war es, mach Wochen, nach einem Angriff, wieder er= träglich, so kam ein neuer, u. wieder fehlte Sturm, Wasser u. Gas. Wir kochten im Gasten auf ein am selbstgebauten Herd u. waren uberglücklich, als wir Von der NSV ein kleines Kohlenherdlein Bekamen. Trotz allem war aber die Zeit bei Schwenkels eine recht nette. Mitle Oktober komen in einer Nacht 2 Angriffe. Beim ersten war ich noch unterrechts von der Schule her (Wir hatten im̄ er mittags Schule, weil wir wegen Krankenhausbelegung der Ober= �schule in der Volksschule Eltinchen waren), und kom gerade noch in einen Hochbunker am ...haus [?]. Am Weißenhof bran̄te viel, aber zum Heute blieb Schwenkels Haus bis auf Fensterschäden unversehrt. Eine Brand= bombe, die Hereingefallen war, wurde von Herr Wolfert geläscht. Nun began̄ eben wieder das Fensterzumachen mit Drahtglas u. Pappe und [page 23] das Wasserschleifen. Es war nicht schön. Werner war in dieser Zeit schon im R.A.D. in Renchen/Baden. Er hatte schon auf 20. Sept. Seine Einbuchung Bekom̄ en, war aber wegen unseres Bombenschadens auf 3. Okt. zurück= gestellt geworden. Ich fähr eine Zeitlang mit dem Rad Nach Leonberg, viel die Zugstrecke zu sehr beschädigt war. An den Son̄ tagen fähren wir fast im̄ er nach Böblingen zu Papa, um dort zu baden u. wieder etwas Kul= tur zu genießen. Unser Wunsch nach einem eigenen kleinen Heim wurde im̄ er großer u. wir suchten viel nach einer kleinen Wohnung. Endlich fand Papa in Waldenbuch �(zwischen Tubingen u. Stuttgart) in der Liebenau des Passende für uns. Bei der Familie nahezu (einer unheimlich Interessenten Familie, besonders die Frau!) Bekamen wir zwei einhalb Zimmer u. ein kleines Ruchele, was wir uns mit der Zeit weg nett u. gemutlich eingerichtet haben. Wir sind so froh, um̄ [page 24] nun wieder für uns zu sein. Dabei leicht das schön neue Haus in einer kleinen Wohnsiedlung 1km außerhalt des Stadt in einer entzuckenden Landschaft, so daß wir uns f vor den Fliegern nicht mehr da zu furchten brauchen. Dabei Ich kon̄ te sind wir auch materiell nicht schlecht daran. Nafzers leben auch jetzt noch erstaunlich gut u. lassen uns im̄ er wieder was zukom̄ en. Besonders beim Schlechten. Ich kon̄ te naturlich nicht mehr daheim wohnen, hatte aber in Leonberg bei Frau Brucker ein recht nettes, wen̄ auch wegen Kohlenmangel unge= heiztes zim̄ er bekom̄ en u. fuhr im̄ er über das Wochenende Heim nach Walden= buch. Der Unterricht wurde durch die dauernde Alarme u. Zugschwietichkeiten im̄ er mehr gestört, so daß es Stein Ver= �gnugen mehr war. War Weihnachten machen wir aber Schulerin̄en aus der 3. u. 4. Klasse eine große Freude mit Gutsle u. kleinen Selbstgebastelten Geschenkchen. Ein Paar wurde aus der 4. Klasse hatten mir auch Damels noch weinem Fliegeschu= [page 25] den eine Reise von hubschen u. guten Sachen Geschenkt, vorüber ich mich furchtbar freute, zeicht es doch, daß die Kinder mich gern haben. Werner kam im November vom R.A.D. zu= rück, gerade recht, um die Waldenbücher Wohnung mit einzurichten. Am 2. Dez. hätte er zur Wehrmacht einreden sollen. Aber es kam anders. Es stellte sich heraus, daß er eine leichte Lungenschädigung davongetragen hatte. Er kam zur Be= obachtung 14 Tage nach Böblingen ins Sanatorium zur Beobachtung. Es ist nicht mehr viel an der Lunge festzustellen. Später muß er nach ein paarmal zur Untersuchung zu Dr. Gudehus, ein mal ist die Tuberkulinprobe positiv. Nun ist er, nachdem er nach einen Gestel= lungsbefehl bekom̄ en hatte, bis 31. Au= gust zurückgestellt. Zu unsere Freund! An Weihnachten kon̄te die ganze Fa= milie beieinander sein, was wir alle als ein großes Geschenk empfanden. �Sogar ein Gönslein fehlte nicht! Wir fährten nun allmählich wieder ein [page 26] ordentliches Familienleben, den Papa kan̄ öfters heim kom̄ en von Böblingen fer. Da wird den̄ Kraviergespielt, Plat= ten werden gehört, vorgelesen, geschwätzt, wir gerießen noch richtig des zusam̄ ensein, den̄ wer wiss, was alles kom̄ t. Die Kriegslage wird im̄ er schlim̄ er u. Hoffnungsloser. Man kan̄ nur nach wunschen, daß alles vollends schnell zu Ende geht. Wir haben Schwers zu erwarten. Die Russen haben seit Som̄ er schon Deutschland von Osten her bis zur Oder erobert u. werden jetzt nach Berlin vorgehen. Die Engländer u. Ameri= kaner haben ein groißes Stark des linksrheinischen Gebietes genom̄ en, sind in Köln ein mostfest. Das Ruhrprobiert ist auf’s äußerste gefuhrdet. Der Krieg ist längst verloren. Aber die Nazis musse weiterkämpfen. Auch um Familiengliede vor uns mussen wir sorge haben. Unser lieber, feiner, tapferer Vatter Ger= hard ist schon in Oktober im Osten ge= falen. Mit seinem ganzen Idealismus [page 27] �hat er den Tod gehenden. Bei der Einnahere Strasburgs in November mußte man furchten, daß Onkel Herman̄ gefallen sei. Aber zum Glück ist er in Gefangenschaft gekom̄ en – Wan Alrich, der bei Königsberg ist u nd Wolfgang sind auch keine Nachrichten da. Man muss in sorge um sie sein. Von Ameis Schwiege... [?] weiss man nichts, sie werden beim Russeneinmachts nicht mehr fortgekom̄ en sein. Diese Flucht der Bewöl= kung aus den Osten wo ein namen= loses Elend. Die Flieger lassen einem allmählich gar kein Rufe mehr. Bei gutem Wetter ist den̄ ernd Alarm. Tiefflieger greifen auf den Straßen an_ Wir lange wird es noch den̄ern ? __ __ __ __ Die Weihnachtsferien, die bis 1. Februar wegen Kohlenmangel verlängert wurden, haben wir sehr ruhig verlebt mit Brief schreiben, nähen, lesen, arbeiten. Einmal machten Werner u. ich einen Besuch in Hülben. Als Schnee fiel, kon̄ ten wir ein paar Tage Schi fahren, nur Taute es schon bald wieder. Am 1. Febr. kan̄ die Schule im̄ er noch nicht [page 28] anfangen, erst später mussen die Schuler kom̄ en u! Aufgeben holen. Mich erreicht �aber die Aufladerung, zu kom̄ en viel zu spät. Als wir einmal in Weil der Stadt waren u. ich anschließend nach Leon= berg wollte, wurden wir durch Alarme u. Tiefflierger so aufgehelten, daß wir gerade nach am gleichen Tag heim komen. Das war um 22. Februar 1945. Abends war die Nachrichts aus Heiden= heim da, Mama solle kom̄ en, Groß= mama sei schoner krank. Sie reiste am Freitag Abend es. Meinen Geburtstag haben Mama u. ich zusam̄ en sehr ruhig daheim verlebt. Son̄ tag, 25. Februar. Vormittags kochten wir. Nachmittags fähren wir mit dem Rad zu Papa nach Böblingen. Wir tranken gemutlich zu= sammen Kaffee u. eßen meinen restliche Geburtstagsnuchen. Da kam die Nach= richts, daß Großmama in Heidenheim ganz rasch u. sanft entschlafen sei. Die Rufe ist ihr zu gäuen. Ihr blieb sicher [page 29] viel schweres erspert. Aber ich werde mein liebe Großmama nicht vergessen. Papa sagte, wir sollen gleich mit den Räder nach Heidenheim fahren. Montag, 26. Februar. Morgens um ¼ 8 Uhr fahren wir zwei �mit den Rädern los. Wir haben starken Rückenend u. uber Plattenhardt, Plochingen, Göppingen, Süßen, Weißensstein geht die Fahrt gut u. rasch verstotten. Ein netter zusam̄ entreffe haben wir: auf der Landstraße, kurz war Göppingen tippelt Herr Feins! – Um 4 Uhr sind wir in Heidenheim. Mama ist überwascht, daß wir kom̄ en, wir schlafen bei Tante [1 word illegible], die sich übrigens während unseres ganzen Aufenthaltes nicht war ihrer freundlichster seite zeigt. Dienstag, 27. Februar. Vormittags um ½ 11 Uhr ist die Beer= digung Großmamas. Wir sehen sie woher noch im sorgliegen. Nachmit= tags gehen wir ins Altenheim hinaus, an es viel zu räumen u. zu ordnen gibt. Wir essen aus wärts, um Tante [1 word illegible] keine Mühe zu machen! [page 30] Mittwoch, 28. Februar. Fast den ganzen Tag räumen wir wieder im Altenheim. Aus den suchen Großmamas müßen Anenken für Bekan̄ te u. Vormande herausgesucht werden. Abends machen wir nach Besuch bei Tante Luise u. Tante Hans. Don̄ erstag, 1. März. �Wir fahre wieder ab. Nun werden wir wohl nicht mehr so schnell nach Heidenheim zurückkom̄ en. Diese Fahrt war schrecklich!! Unsere Räder waren so schwer beladen, daß sie schmuck= ten, den̄ wir müßteb etliches war Groß= mamas sachen, war allem schmuck, mit nehmen. Diesmal hatten wir star= ken Gegenwird u. dauernd drehen es zu regnen. Vor Göppingen hatte Werner Pan̄ e u. ich so, daß der Reisen im̄ er weiter schlitzte! Gerade hielten wir am Straßenrand, etwa 1 km vor Göp= pingen, als es zu brum̄ en, zu krattern, zu Drähren began̄ : wir [page 31] flitzten in den Straßengraben u. machten einen Angriff auf Göppingen mit. Es bran̄ = te suchtig in der Stadt. – Werners Rad war hoffnungslos. In Göppingen gelang es ums zum Glück, es wieder reparieren zu lassen, wir hatten aber 5 Std. Zeit ver= loren, so daß wir erst um ½ 6 Uhr weiter= kamen. Bald wurde es dunkel u. nun schlappten wir uns mühsam über Nür= tingen durch Nacht, Wird u. Alarm heim= wärts, wo wir nach 11 Uhr todmüde aber hochankamen. Freitag, 2. März. �Den ganzen Tag daheim. Putzen, kochen, flicken. Samstag, 3. März. Morgens kochen, kuche richten. Abends kom̄ t Papa. Wir erwarten Ms Mama. Die kom̄ t aber erst am. Son̄ tag, 4. März Morgens todmüde an u. legt sich gleich ins Bett. Der Son̄ tag wird ruhig verbrecht. Mittags beschauen mir Großmamas schöner Schmuck. [page 32] Montag 5, März. Mit dem 8 Uhr-Zug fahre ich nach Vaihin= gen u. mit dem Rad weiter nach Leon= berg. Von Studienort Fischer erfahre ich die großen Schwierigkeiten u. Änderun= gen des Schulbetriebs in der letzten Zeit u. daß ich Mittwoch u. Freitag ¾ 8 Uhr da sein muß. Außenden erlebe ich noch einen Schenken. Bei einem Angriff auf Leonberg ging Bunkers Haus kaputt. Es ist zwar kein ganzen Trum= merhausen, wie die Häuser rechts u. links davon, aber ein mehr auf= zubauen. Am meisten fehlen mir wein e Schulbucher. Frau Brücken ist ganz verzweifelt, weint, mächte, nicht mehr leben. Es ist aber auch �fast alles kaputt u. das Haus war eben ihr Lebensinhalt. Dienstag, 6. März. Ich will eigentlich nach Nürtingen u. An̄ e [1 word illegible] besuchen, aber es ist scheuß= liches Schneewetter. So bleibe ich eben daheim. [page 33] Mittwoch, 7. März. Mit dem ½ 6 Uhr Zug fahre ich ab u. wieder nun Uni hingen aus mit den Rad. Dan̄ halte ich in der 5. Klasse 2 Stdn. Schule u. kan̄ den̄ wieder abfahren. Schon um ½ 1 Uhr bin ich wie da zu heute (Heimfahrt ganz zu Rad). Don̄ erstag, 8. März. So ganzen Tag daheim. Freitag, 9. März. Wieder nach Leonberg. Dort ist wieder etwas anderes los! Nun wird die Volks= schule Eltingen auch aus Krankenhaus belege u. wir stehen auf der Straße. Wir bekom̄ en einen Raum in der alten Volksschule Eltingen, da kan̄ man nur Jeden Tag eine Klasse kom̄ en lassen. Am die Mittagszeit bin ich wieder daheim. Nachmittags besuchen Mama u. ich Frau war detten mit ihrem süßen Kind. Sie sitzt im kam̄ u. müßte aus Schle= �sun fliehen. Sie kan̄ einem Leid tun. Überein Stoffpuppehen, das ich dem Kind gemacht hab, ich sie dicket zu Tränen geruset. [page 34] Samstag, 10. März. Morgens putzen, kochen, einkaufen. Werner bei Dr. Gudehus im Böblingen. Abends kom̄ t Papa. Sonntag, 11. März. Die Eltern haben silbernen Ho Verlobungs= tag! Dieses denkwürdige Fest wird ge= bührend gefeiert mit Kuchen, Wein u. sonstigem guten Essen. Wir genießen noch das Zussamensein, dann bald kommt Papa nach Gerlingen. – Wird Werner das Medizinstudium beginnen kön̄ en? Montag, 12. März. Morgens fahre ich nach Leonberg. Aber da die Änderung nicht in der Zeitung kam, ist statt der 3. Klasse die 1. u. 2. Da, so daß ich unnerichteter sache gleich wieder abziehen kann. Bei Bruckes kom̄ en zu meiner Freude einige Bücher wieder zum Vorschein! Werner kom̄ t nachmittags vorläufig noch Ohne Ergebnis von Tübingen zurück. Dienstag, 13. März. Ich fahr mit dem Rad nach Nurtingen zu An̄ emarie [1 word illegible]. In ihres Schule treffe ich �sie schreibmaschinenschreibend an (ich möchte [page 35] das auch lerne!). Zusammen machen wir nun einen Spaziergang am Rande Nurtingens. Ich schenke An̄ e, da ihr ja alle Bücher verbran̄ t sind, ein schaues Buch von mir, was sie wirk= lich sehr freut. Beim Mittagessen lerne ich ein paar (ganz nette) Kollegen von An̄ emarie ken̄ en. Ihr Schulbetrieb ist noch wesentlich besser u. geordneter als der unsere in Leonberg. Weil verloren kom̄ t, fällt Mittags die Schule aus, so daß wir auch da noch zusammen sind. Etwa um ½ 6 Uhr bin ich nach schöner Radfahrt wieder daheim. Mittwoch, 14. März. Morgens habe ich in Leonberg Kl. 4 zu unter= richten. Zwischen 8 u. 9 Uhr haben 4 Lehrkräfte, die die ganze Zeit im Zimmer sitzen, zu un= terrichten! Ein nicht gerade idealen Zustand. Frau Schmitt ist nach langer Zeri (sie war krank) wieder gekom̄ en. Leider wird sie auf 1. April entlassen. Ich trinke nach der Schule eine Tesse Kaffee mit ihr. Nachmittags sam̄ le ich mit Werner Tan̄ enzapfen. Don̄ erstag, 15. März Ein wunderschöner Frühlingstag! Unsere Gegend wird im̄ er schöner. Wie freue ich mich, bis alles zu blühen begin̄ t; wen̄ nur nicht im̄ er die sorge um den Krieg u. unser aller Schicksal wo einem stunde. Wie schön kön̄te ohne das das Lebensein! �Mama ist in Böblingen. Morgens have ich im Haushalt zu tun. Nach dem Essen sitze ich in die Son̄ e u. dan̄ machen Werner u. ich im Garten [page 36] biete. Wir bekom̄ en auch ein schönes Stück zum Bepflanzen. Nachher putze ich noch mein Rad. Freitag, 16. März. Bei einer morgendlichen, sehr kalten Fahrt nach Leonberg genieße ich einen schönen Son= nenaufgang. Heute ich Kl. 5 zu unterrichten. Nachmittags wandert Mama von Böblingen zurück. Werner geht heilt ihr entgegen. Samstag, 14. März. Der übliche Samstag mit Putzen u. Kochen, Einkaufen. Son̄ tag, 18. März. Nach dem Essen machen wir mit Billi einen Spaziergang auf den Berg hinauf. Es wird Frühling! Wir finden viele Palmkätzchen, Weidenwürstle, Gänseblümchen, Veilchen. Montag, 19. März. Morgens in Leonberg. Kl. 3. Ich habe meine geretteten Bücher bei Bruckers ab. Dienstag, 20. März. Mittags werden unter Frau Nafzers An= leitung bei schöbeb Fruhlingswetter Erbsen gesät. x Am 20. März Dan̄ fange ich ein kleid= chen für Ameile zu nähen. Gegen �[page 37] Abend kom̄ t Papa von Echterdingen her. Ge= Mütlicher Abend. Die Umsiedlung noch Hechingen verzögert sich. Mittwoch, 21. März Wegen baldigem Alarm ist fast kein Un= terricht. Die Fahrt nach Leonberg u. zurück wird mir im̄ er mehr zum Genuß bei dem erwachenden Frühling u. dem schönen Wetter. x Erbsensäen [?]. Ich nähe am Kinderkleid. Donnerstag, 22. März. Morgens Kuchenbacken usw. Nach dem Essen Liege ich eine Stunde am Berg oben in die Son̄ e. Es ist wunderschön bei der schönen Aussicht. Ich bekom̄ e schon Farben, besonders die Nahe bräunt sich! Dan̄ kom̄ t Frau von Detten mit ihrer reizenden kleinen Beatrix, s die sehr lieb u. artig ist. Ein netter Nachmittag. Freitag, 23. März. In Leonberg Kl. 5. Morgens Tieffliger. Wenig Unttericht. Frau Schmitt kom̄ t Überhäupt nicht zum Wort. Fischer ist Einige los, kan̄ sich nicht gegen die Volks= schule behaupten. Heimfahrt wieder schön Palmkätzchen u. Huflattichblühen. Welchen! Nachmittags werden im Garten kar= Toffeln gesteckt. Dan̄ nähe ich das Kleidchen fertig. �[page 38] Samstag, 24. März Morgens in der Küche tötig. Gleich nach dem Essen gehen wir alle drei [1 word illegible] den Berg hinten hinauf u. liegen, je mag Verlangen, in der Schatten oder in die Son̄ e, Lesend, strickend muhend. Es ist wieder wunderschön. Noch nie habe ich den Frühling so genießen kön̄ en wie dieses Jahr. Wir waren je im̄ er in der Stadt u. kamen nich so viel in die Natur hinaus. Dazuhin habe ich ja Wirklich auch viel Zeit, während ich letztes Jahr mit meiner Tätigkeit in Leonberg voll ausgefüllt war. – Man kann eine Weile den ganzen Krieg ver= gessen, nur die Sirenen, die ringsum in den Arten ertönen, um die wir uns aber wenig küm̄ ern, erin̄en im̄ er wieder an das furchtbare Schicksal unseres Volles Der Feind macht dauernd große Angriffe Auf Industrie- u. Merkerszentren. Die Alläerten haben die Offensive über den Rhein auf das Kuhrgebiet begonnen. Die nächste Zeit wir große Ereignisse bringen! [page 39] Son̄ tag, 25. März. Morgens daheim. Mittags kom̄ t Papa zu Fuß von Böblingen her. Wir gehen �ihm fast bis Schönaich entgegen. Abends sitzen wir noch gemütlich beisam̄ en. Montag, 26. März. Wieder in Leonberg. In Elbingen sind nur 4 Kinder, die wir heimschicken. In der Leonberger Volksschule sind nicht, ich kom̄ e aber wegen Alarm nicht zum Unterricht. Frau Schmitt ist leider zum letztenmal da. Das bedaure ich sehr. Aber die Schule wird ja wohl nicht so lange mehr gegen, wer weiß, ob wir nach Ostern schon amerikanisch sind. Auf die Heimfahrt habe ich Reisen= pech, muß dauernd pumpen. Dienstag, 27. März. Schon um ½ 6 Uhr fahren wir mit dem Lastwagen nach Echterdingen u. von dort mit der Straßenbahn nach Stuttgart. Wir wollen nach Kohlen, Gartengeräte= u. =möbel u. a. nach Waldbuch holen. Werner u. ich füllen (fast im Kohlenstaub [page 40] erstickend) die Kohlensäcke. Dan̄ wird gepackt großen Freude haben wir an den Frühlings= blumen im Gurtle, des die Hausbe= wohner gerichtet haben. Sogar Susi findet sich wie der! Lebendig! – Es heißt panzer= spitzen seien in Heilbron̄ !! Stim̄ t aber �nicht. Ich hole auf dem Weißenhof mei= nen Mantel. Amei u. Tante Martha treffe ich an. Tante Martha packt eben zur Flucht nach Hülben. Amerikaner sein in Bretten? Anni will dan̄ , wen̄ es brenzlich wird mit dem Rad fahren. Stuttgart soll Festung werden. Der Krieg rückt im̄ er näher die Amerikaner u. Englander rücken un= Heimlich vor! Khaos bei den Deutschen!Abends kom̄ t das Auto wieder. Wir laden ein u. sind froh, als wie glücklich daheim sind. Mittwoch, 28. März. Morgens Einkauf von Lebensmitteln. Die Lebensmittellage Deutschlands wird ja im̄ er bedrohlicher, so daß man nicht weiß, wie lange man noch auf seine marken belie fort wird. – Mittags nähe ich eine Bluse für Lilli. [page 41] Don̄ erstag, 29. März. Mama u. ich reisen nach Eßlingen. Glatte Jomgsjt über Stuttgart. Zuerst Besuch bei Frau Linder u. dan̄ im Krankenhaus bei Elisabeth Benzhalt, die schon fast ein Viertel= jahr an schoner Tungen= u. Rippfellentzun= durch liegt. Sie ist jetzt auf dem Weg da Besserung, aber entsetzlich abgemagert. Sie freut sich, daß wir kamen. Dan̄ besuche �ich geschwind Han̄ a Roser in der Fischbrun̄ enapotheke. Essen in der Reichsstadt. Heim= fahrt über Stuttgart-Echterdingen. Macht von Echterdingen aus heim im strämden Regen. Karfreitag, 30. März Morgens gehe ich mit Herr Nafzer und Lilli in die Kirche. Nachmittags da= heim.x Gutsle backen u. abends Oster= eier bemalen.x Mit Lilli in Platten= hardt wegen Bolbors [?]. Samstag, 31. März. Morgens kom̄ t eine Heeresgruppe nach Waldenbuch. Es muß für viele Soldaten u. Offiziere ein Quartier gemacht wer= den. Das Kontor im Haus wird Arbeits= zim̄ er. Im Zim̄ er oben schalfen 2 Oberleut= nants. Die Tag wird sehr bewegt. Wir [page 42] backen für Ostern, kaufen ein usw. Außerdem muß die Garage für den Russen Nikolai geräumt werden, wir schaffen Kohlen u. Holz hinüber in den ehemaligen Schweinestall. Nachmittags kom̄ t ganz unverhofft Frl. Pröbiuß mit dem Rad von Korntal herüber. Ich freue mich sehr über ihren Besuch, es ist mir aber noch lange peinlich, daß ich ihr, der hübsch u. sauber angezogenen, die ganze �Zeit so dreckig vom Kohlenräumen gegen= über sitze. So muß ich mich oft so uber mich selber ärgern. Wir trinken Tee, Werner u. Mama kom̄ en auch, dan̄ hören wir auch ein paar Platten. Abends fährt sie wieder ab u. ich begleite sie ein Stuck. Fraulein Pröbiuß mag ich sehr gern, hoffentlich kan̄ ich diese Freundschaft auch pflegen, aber mer weiß, vielleicht reißt die nächste Zeit alles auseinander. Abends kom̄ t Papa. Osterson̄ tag, den 1. April. Morgens reichhaltiges Osternfrühstück. Zum erstenmal kein Suchen. Papa ist zum letztemal da, er kom̄ t jetzt endgültig nach Hechingen. Wie und [page 43] wan̄ wir ihn wiedersehen, ist fraglich den̄ die Amerikaner rücken im̄ er näher u. er kom̄ t vielleicht in Gefangenschaft oder muß ausrücken. Mittags hören wir noch ein paar Platten u. genießen das zu= sam̄ ensein. Abends muß er fort. Ostermontag, den 2. April. Mama u. ich besin̄en uns, ob wir nach Hülben fahren wollen, lassen es aber blei= ben – zum Glück – den um 11 Uhr kom̄ t Frau Grelkel [?] u. Gerlind von Sielmungen her zu Besuch. Wir freuen uns sehr. Sie �bleiben zum Mittagessen u. Kaffee da. Gegen Grelkel [?] ist ja gefallen, Herr Grelkel [?] in Gefangenschaft. Aber Frau Grelkel [?] ist sehr tapfer. Mittags gehen wir ein wenig mit Gerlind spazieren u. spielen vierhändig. Sie spielt sehr gut von Blatt. Abends begleiten wir sie ein Rück. Dienstag, den. 3. April. Gerüchte sagen, die Amerikaner sinn schon in Heilbron̄ . In Stuttgart werden (fälschlich) ein zeitlang waren ohne Marken verkauft. Morgens einkaufen. Nachmittags fährt Werner, um Geld zu [page 44] holen, nach Kaltental und Echterdingen, allerdings erfolglos. Mittwoch, 3 4. April. Mama läßt mich nicht nach Leonberg den̄ die Amerikaner sind wirklich schon in Heilbron̄ . Der Volkssturm hat letzten Apell. Werner u. ich fahren schon mor= gens in Geldangelegenheiten für Herr Nafzer u. uns nach Geblach [?] u. Echterdingen. Morgens Tiefflieger, 3 mal Alarm.x Am 3 Uhr glücklich wie der zurück. x In Stuttgart fängt schon alles an zu bluhen. Wie schön kön̄ te es sein. Abends ist Obersturmführer Pfeifer (Einquartierung) bei uns. Klavier= �spielen. Erziehlen. Er hat viel vom Gebirge u. Italien gesehen. Don̄ erstag, 5. April. Herr Pfeifer beim Mittagessen da. Freitag 6. April. Morgens rascher Entschluß, doch noch nach Hülben zu fahren. In einer knappen Stunde sind wir schon in Nürtingen, als Werner dort plötzlich Pan̄ e bekommt u. zwar einen Riß beim Wentil, der sehr [page 45] schwer zu flicken ist u. auch von keinem Re= paraturgeschäft angenommen wird. Schweren Herzens muß er sich entschließen, wieder Herzukehren u. zwar zu Fuß! Ich fahre Allein weiter. Bei Neuffen blühen die Kirschenbäume! Am 2 Uhr bin ich in Hülben. Es wird ein sehr netter Nach= mittag. Alle freuen sich u. bedauern nur Werners fehlen. Gertrud kom̄ t auch von ...rach [?], ihr Schule hat den Betrieb ein= gestellt. Mein kleidte fürs Ameile er= regt Entzucken. Die kleine läuft u. schmitzelt schon ein wenig u. ist die große Freude der ganzen Familie, sozusagen die Familienpuppe. Hülben hat schon den Räumungsbefehl, den̄ Der Allrund soll verteidigt werden. Die haben sich schon vorbereitet, bei [1 world illegible]. Kämpfen ein paar Tage in ein abgelegenes Telzu �gehen. Aber was mär [?] das für Großmama! Um ¾ 6 Uhr fahre ich ab, Heimfahrt teilweise Im Regen. Ankunft 8 Uhr, 1 Std. nach Werner! Samstag, 7. April. Morgens Einkaufen. Großes Gedränge. Frisch von Papa aus Hechingen über Wieses geleitet, gelangt zu uns Nach= Mittags stricken u. lesen. [page 46] Son̄ tag, 8. April Morgens bringt Hans-Dieter Wiese wieder einer Brief fnr von Papa. Ich koche, Werner liegt mittags in Bett. Ich liege ein wenig mit dem Liegestuhl in die Son̄ e, hole mit Lilli einen großen Schlüssel= blumenstrauß im Wald. Ich lese, das Buch „Titanic“, das mich ungesauer packt. Montag, 9. April. Werner fährt nach Tübingen wegen seinem Studium. Ergebnis: Abwerten. Franzosen In Pforzheim u. Vaihingen/Enz! Morgens kaufen wir ein. Bei Binder gibt es wunderbare Strümpfe. Riesenandrang. Ich bekom̄ e von Frau Schum̄ , die auch verkaufen hilft für jedes von uns 3 Paar! Mittags muß ich auch noch für jedes Strümpfe holen. Abends kom̄ t wieder Einquartierung. �Dienstag, 10. April. Werner u. Mama fahren nach Stuttgart. Ich mus morgens noch einmal für Frau Nafzer Strümpfe holen, bekom̄ e aber von der schimpfen= den Frl. Pauline nur noch 1 Paar. (0 Klatsch= u. Schimpferst Waldenbuch!!) Frau Schum̄ gibt mir nochmals 2 Paar schön. Dan̄ han= tiere ich schweißgebadet in der Küche, backe [page 47] Kuchen u. Gutsle, mache Merzipen u. werde im̄ er wieder dazwischen aufgehalten von Frau Nafzer. Mamas Geburtstag ist morgen, des= Halb habe ich nachmittags Blumen in Wald u. auf der Wiese. Abends kom̄ en beide wieder gut, aber müde von Stuttgart zu= rück. Das wird wohl das letzte mal für die nächtse Zeitgewesen sein. Mittwoch, 11. April. Mamas Geburtstag wird „gefeint“, so gut es eben geht. Wir haben einen reche ansehnlichen Geburstagstisch auf= gestellt, Werner fährt um 10 Uhr nach Hülben, um dort heim Briefmerken vor Kellerfau zu retten. Mama u. ich kaufen morgens ein (Sonderzuteilung 2 M Fleisch u. 2 M Mehl pro Kopf!). Das Mittagessen bekom̄ en wir zum großem Teil von Frau Nafzer, die 4 Offiziere zum Essen hat, ich helfe auch in der Kuche. �Nachmittags liege ich wieder 1 ½ Std. in die Son̄ e hinter am Berg. Wunderschön! Don̄ erstag, 12. April. Morgens wir der ein kaufen. Wäsche. Am 6 Uhr abends kom̄ t ganz unverhofft Papa, der bei einem Major auf dem Motorrad hierher mitfahren kon̄ te. [page 48] Allerseits natürlich große Freude. Um 11 Uhr Nachts kom̄ en Major L. U. Fahrer wieder zurück u. bleiben bei der u. Brötchen fast bis 1 Uhr da. Abschied. x Freitag, 13. April. Morgens Einkaufen, Spülen. Mittags Bügeln. Präsident Roosevelt gestorben. x Franzosen nur noch etwa 20 km vor Stuttgart (Nußdorf). Samstag, 14. April. Gewöhnlicher Samstagmorgen. Mittags Vollkjackewaschen. Blumenholen. Noch nie habe ich den Frühling so steck erlebt wie dieses Jahr. Son̄ tag, 15. April. Den ganzen Tag ruhig daheim. Mittags Gehe ich mit Mama ein wenig fort u. wir holen großen Striuße erster Schlüsserlblumen. Die ganze Wohnung ist voll davon. Montag, 16. April �Mittags sitze ich bei wunderschönen Frühlingswetter eben am Berg unter [page 49] einem bluhenden Birnbaum. Der Wald wird schon grün. Er ist einzig schön da eben. Dan̄ hole ich noch einen Rucksack voll Tan= nenzupfen. Als ich später noch (wegen Strumpfen) nach Waldenbuch fahren, hin ich, Panzerspitzen seien in Böblingen! Darüber Aufregung u. Kofferpacken daheim. Die Nachricht erweiß sich später als falsch. Dienstag, 17. April. Beis Linder Hochbetrieb. Kurzwarenverkauf. Ich helfe Gerde [?] Hetzel [?] u. An̄ emarie Schum̄ , in dem ich den ganzen Tag die bleibe u. Band abmesse. Von Herr Linder be= kom̄ e ich ein prima Mittag= u. Nacht= essen. Anschließend sind wir noch bei Wieses. Papa ruft an: Er kann jetzt fort von Hechingen in Gegend Waldsee. Es ist ein sehr, sehr netter Abend. Mittwoch, 18. April. Vormittags u. beim Mittagessen wieder bei Linder. Nachmittags geht Werner zu Treibers nach Vaihingen; wir zwei treffen uns mit Anita Wiese, Gerde [?] u. Hans-Dieter hinten am Berg, son̄ en u. unterhalten uns. Gespan̄ te Stim̄ ung zwischen Nafzers u. uns, �wegen meinemer Verkauf Hilfe bei Linders. Zum Glück renkt sich die am nächsten Tag wieder ein. [page 50] Don̄ erstag, 19. April. Der Feind rückt im̄ er näher. In den Läden werden an die Bevölkerung die Lebensmittel vollend verkauft. Mama u. ich machen 3 mal den Weg nach Wal= denbuch hinein. Nach plötzlichen star= ken Artillerieschießen werden koffer mit Kleidern, Lebensmittel, Geschirn, Radio in das unterste Geschoß verstaut bei uns im Haus ist das Geschäftszim= mer der Soldaten, die zu unserem Leidwesen noch in Waldenbuch sind, sie Warten auf den Befehl zum Rückzug, der aber lange nicht kom̄ t. Wir müssen große Sorge haben, daß Waldenbuch verteidigt wird, es liegen 5 Batterien in der Nähe. Und wir haben die Aus= sicht, daß, wen̄ es zum Kämpfen kom̄ t wohl kein Stein auf dem anderen bleibt. Noch ein paarmal schießt Artillerie s uns nächster Nähe. Wir sichern Fenster und Türen mit Kissen u. Decken, stellen Zerbrechliches auf den Boden, damit es möglichst wenig Scherben gibt. Abends ge= hen wir natürlich nicht ins Bett, sondern [page 51] �warten, was kom̄ t. Von den Soldaten u. Offizieren hören wir, daß der Feind in Schönaich, Dettenhausen u. am Wald= rand bei Steinenbron̄ ist, also nur wenige km von Waldenbuch entsennt. Es sind ein paar schwere Stunden, die wir durchmachen. Die Soldaten müssen schon Verteidigungsstellungen s ma= chen. Da englich – etwa um 12 Uhr nachts - bekom̄ t der Hauptman̄ die Erlaubnis zum Rückzug. Auch Frau Nafzer hatte sich mit Bäden [?] u Beschwären des Hauptman̄ s verdunt gemacht. Sie hat damit auch Beigetragen, daß wir die Soldaten los= bekamen. Wie froh sind wir nun, daß des Militar – in rasender Eile= packt u. abgrift! Nun wird es we= nigstens keine Kämpfe geben. Wie kön̄ en uns nun sogar noch ein paar Stunde – mit allen Kleidenins Bett legen, allerdings im̄ er wieder durch Motorengeräusch u. Schießen aufgeschreckt. [page 52] Don̄ erstag Freitag, 20. April. Der r für uns so bedeutungsvolle Tag bricht mit strahlendem Son̄enschein an. Wir werden wieder durch Schießen uns den Betten aufgeschneckt. Und �nun ist die große Frage die: Ist der Franzsose u. Amerikaner schon durch= gezogen in der Nacht, wie es unsere Soldaten vermuteten, oder nicht? Die Liebenau weiß es nicht. Es ist ganz ruhig. Herr Nafzer meint, wir sein schon besetzt. Und nun vorgehen ein paar Stunden, außerlich friedlich mit Lesen u. Stricken gespan̄ t. Was wird kom̄ en?? Frau Nafzer geht nach Wal= denbuch zu Zim̄ erman̄ s u kom̄ t mit den beide zurück. Im Ort drin schießen die unseren. Auf einmal begin̄ t Artillerien= beschuß auf Waldenbuch, alles geht in den Keller. Es dauert aber nicht lange. Man sieht nun von weitem auf der Tübinger Straße Panzer u. Autos herunterfahren. [page 53] Zum dtsche Glück geht es ohne weitere Schießerei ab. Soldaten, die gescheffen hatten, werden später niedergemacht, wie man hört. – In der Liebenau bleibt zu nächts alles ruhig, aber Mittags rollen Panzer u. Lastautos usw. mit Franzosen u. Marokkanern drauf die Nürtinger Straße hinunter. Wir schauen dem Schauspiel auch zu, blei= ben aber, im Gegensatz zu rieben Lie= benauern, in der Hauptsache in Haus. Natürlich ist überall große Aufregung. �Wir kön̄ en aber heilfroh sein, daß alles so ruhig und verlief u. gar nichts be= schädigt werde. Abends holen wir von jetzt ab Milch bei Bauern in Glas= hütte. In der Nacht kom̄ t ein fran= zösicher Offizier als Einquartierung, der sich aber anständig benim̄ t. – Das war der diesjährig Führergeburts= tag! Hoffentlich ist es der letzte dieses Man̄ es, der die ganze Welt uns Unglück gesturzt hat. Wir wird es jetzt wohl Papa auf den Anderen Seite ~gehen? Der Strom fehlt Ja, man hat außer Gerichten keinerlei Nachrichts. [page 54] Samstag, 21. April. Morgens Teppierklopfen, putzen. Mama geht nach Waldenbuch, kom̄ t eben Schnell wie der zurück. Drin ist alles voll Panzer, während es bei uns ruhig ist. Fotos müssen zum Glück nicht, wie es zuerst fieß, abgegeben werden. Samstag Mittag ruhig. Son̄ tag, 22. April. Alle Män̄ er von 16-45 Jahren müssen sich auf dem Rathaus melden! Werner auch. Wir meinen schon, nun kom̄ en die Mäuer fort, es wird aber verläufig wir �aufgeschrieben. Wir hören, daß im Ort drin (z. B. Bei Wieses) u. bei Frost= Meister knödler Uhren, Schmuck u. Geld von den feinden Soldaten geraubt wurden. Deshalb verstecken wir jetzt unsere weitvollen Sachen. Zum Kaffee gibt es _ _ _ _ . Schlagrahm!!! Ein ungeahnter Genuß! Und da zu begin̄ der HungersNot! Wir rahmen nun jeden Tag die Vollmilch ab. [page 55] Montag, 23. April. Mittags bekom̄ t Mama beim Bäcker Boot. Man hört, das Waldenbuch in der Umgegend fast der einzige unversehrte Ort ist. Schön= eich soll ganz zerstört sein. Breuend wur= de uns jetzt die Kriegslage in interessieren. Dienstag, 24. April. Morgens kom̄ t schlimme Nachricht. Eine Menge Marokkaner haben in der Nacht in Waldenbuch übel gehaust u. Frauen u. Mädchen vergewaltigt. Bald kom= men die abenteuerlichen braunnen Gestalten auch in die Liebenau, holen sich alle Hühner, durchsuchen die Häu= ser usw. Ich muß mich nun ganz ver= borgen halten. Wen̄ Marokkaner ins Haus kommen, gehe ich gleich auf die Bühne. Auch in unserer Wohnung wählt �einer alle Schubladen durch u. nim̄ t einen Fotoapparat u. eine Uhr mit. Nafzer sämtliche Hühnen sind fort. Wir liegen abends angezogen ins Bett, aber die Nacht verläuft zum Glück ruhig. [page 56] Montag, 2 Mittwoch, 25. April. Auch heute muß ich mich den ganzen Tag Verborgen halten, den die Marokkaner sind noch um den Weg. Mama bekom̄ t imn Waldenbuche ein Menge Fleisch. Don̄ erstag, 26. April. Wieder den ganzen Tag daheim. Die Marokkaner treiben noch im̄ er ihr Anwesen. In Waldenbuch wird viel ge= plündert. Mama muß jetzt alle Gange nach Waldenbuch u. Glashütte machen, viel ich nicht zum Haus hinaus darf. – Morgens fabrizieren wir aus abgeschöpften Rahm ¼ k Butter! Freitag, 27. April. Frau Nafzer richtet das Zim̄ er neben uns neu ein. So Wir helfen dabei. Die alten Möbel werden auf die Bühne ge= stellt, die anderen aus dem Berghäusle unter einigen Wolkenbruchen herunter= geschafft. Samstag, 28. April. Die Marokkaner sind zum größten Teil wieder �Fort. Es sei jezt Gendarmerie im Ort. Werne gräbt vor dem Gartenzaun ein Stick [page 57] Gresboden um, da wollen wir Kartoffeln Pflanzen. Son̄ tag, 29. April. Daheim. Krönung des Tages: zum Kaffee Schlagrahm. Montag, 30. April. Keine besonderen Ereignisse. X Ich nähe mir eine Schutze. Dienstag, 1. Mai. 2 Franzos. Offiziere u. ein Menge Marokkaner machen Haussuchung. Suchen das goldene Parteiabzeichen von Herr Nafzer. Auch bei uns wühlen sie alles durch u. lassen dabei Papas schönsten Fotoapparat, die „Petina“, meinen Füller, viele Filme u. a. mitlaufen. Mein Füller fehlt mir sehr. Ich wollte nun mit Großmama’s schreiben, halte ihn von der Bühne u. probierte ihn. Dabei ließ ich ihn ungeschickterweise auf dem isch liegen. Ganz unerwartet kamen die Offiziere an Abend nochmal, verlangten unsere Schall= platten, von denen sie 3, darunter das „Laudate dominum“, mitnehmen, sarei den 2. Füller u. Werners Füllbleistift! Aber wir müssen uns alles gefallen lassen [page 58] �die Frazosen reichen sich für 1940! Mittwoch, 2. Mai Keine besonderen Ereignisse. Don̄ erstag, 3. Mai. Morgens gehe ich zum 1. Mal seit langer Zeit wieder in den Ort hinein. Die Ma= rokkaner u. Franzosen sind jetzt fort. Große Frage: Was kom̄ t noch? Ich kaufe unter den Ansturm der Menge Boot. Dann hole ich mit Werner in Glashütte Kartoffeln. Mittags muß Werner mit aller Män̄ er von 15-55 antreten u. die Wälder durchstreifen nach militärischen Gegenstunden. Dabei hört er allerhand Interessantes: Hitler habe Gehirnblutungen (???!!!), München, Salzburg amerikanisch, fast alles an deutschen kapituliert bedingunglos. (Italien, Norwegen, in den letzten 5 Tagen 150 deutsche Generäle gesampte!) Es kan̄ sich bloß noch im Tage handeln. Wie es wohl Papa geht? Freitag, 4. Mai. Es gibt wieder Lebendmittelkarten. Magern Zuteilungen: 150g fleisch in [page 59] der Woche! Mittags stricke ich in der vollig geheizten Stube. Seit einiger Zeit ist es draußen so empfindlig kalt, daß fest alle blühenden Bäume erforren. �X 30. April. Morgens hören wir, daß in der Kist ein auf Posten stehende Marokkaner von einer unbekan̄ ten angeschoffen wurde. Große Besteigung: Was für strafmaßnahmen werden die Fran= zosen treffen? Mittags schellt der Büttel aus: Jede Familie muß 200 Rm zahlen! Nafzers räumen an diesen Tag ihre Wohnung Wieder friedenmäßig ein mit prunkvollen Möbeln , echten Teppichen u. viele, vielen Porzellansipupen. Abends bewundern wir die Pragt. — Samstag, 5. Mai Es heißt, es sei Waffenstillstand. Wer hätte noch vor einigen Jahren sich das Kriegsende so vorgestellt? Mittags daheim. Son̄ tag, 6. Mai. Das Wetter wird wärmer. Nachmittags [page 60] Kleiner Spaziergang. Montag, 7. Mai. Große Wäsche bei Nafzers. Morgens gehen wir nach Waldenbuch, liesen Unifor men ab u. kaufen ein. Nachmittags holen Werner u. ich im Wald jedes einen Rucksack voll Tannenzapfen. Schönes warens Wetter. Abends nach Glashütte. �Dienstag, 8. Mai. Morgens nähe ich. Nachmittags helfe ich Bei Maureis wo wir im̄ er Milch holen auf dem Feld. Wir verklopfen Schollen u. hacken Rüben. Es sind nette Leute. Beim Wesper (dicke Butterbrote!) hören, wir von einem Elsößer Franz. Soldaten, daß tat= sächlich jetzt Waffenstillstand ist! Es kom̄ e 2 herzige junge Geißlein auf die Welt! Mittwoch, 9. Mai. Heute haben wir eine Riesenmäsche. Alle 3 müssen wir fest erleiben, Werner u. ich wirden, hingen auf u. ziehen die Wäsche wieder ab. Es [1 word illegible] alles im Handumdrehen. Morgens muß ich 2 mal [page 61] nach Waldenbuch 1. Setzlinge kaufen, 2. Die Radio auf dem Rathaus abliefern. Hoffent= lich dürfen wir sie wieder holen! Die Fran= zosen ziehen jetzt ab u. Amerikaner sollen kom̄ en, es heißt eine Besetzung on nur 5000 wan̄ für ganz Württemberg. Im Geistenstall schon wieder ein freudiges Ereignis: Nochmals zwei Geißlein geboren! Don̄ erstag, 10. Mai. Zum erstenmall seit Jahren, wird Him= melfahrt wieder als Fesstag begangen. Bei heißem Son̄ enschein sind wir Nachmittags im Garten. �Freitag, 11. Mai. Nachmittags gehe ich mit Mama in die Tan̄ enzapfen. Schönes Wetter. Samstag, 12. Mai. Nachmittags im Eigestuhl im Garten. Herde u. Amite Wiese kom̄ en u. bringen Uns Kopfsalut. Ich begleite sie noch ein Stück. Abends, als alles noch gießend u. die Abendkühle geneßend [page 62] Im Garten meilt, kom̄ t der Strom wieder! Son̄ tag, 13. Mai. Nachdem Mittagessen gehe ich den Berg hinauf. Die Wiesen stehen jetzt überall in Blute u. wir haben die Wohnung voll bunten Sträuße. Oben lege ich mich im Strandanzug in ein Wiese am Waldrand. Das ist wunderschön! Ich lese u. näse mir Strehschuhe. Später kom̄ en Mama u. Werrner u. wir machen noch einem Waldspaziergang. Abends be= kom̄ e ich einen Brief von An̄ emarie [1 word illegible], den eine Tante von ihr auf der Durchwenderung in Waldenbuch abgege= ben hat. An̄ e hat die letzte Zeit gut überstanden. Montag, 14. Mai. Morgens bügle ich. Nachmittags Gehe ich wieder zu Maurers nach Glas= �hütte u. mir hacken Rüben. Dienstag, 15. Mai. Mama u. ich brechen schon um ¾ 6 Uhr auf nach Steinenbron̄ , wo es in der Gärtenerei Tanntensetzlinge gibt. Dem [page 63] Weg ist schön - Son̄enaufgang. Nach 2-stundigen Anstehen unter großer Menschenmenge bekom̄ en wir schöne Pflazen. Auf dem Heimweg nehmen wir wie der Tan̄ enzapfen mit. Nachmittags bin ich wieder bei Maurers zum Rüben= hacken u. bekom̄ e Abends zur Belohnung sogar ein Stück Butter! An diesem Abends kom̄ t auch ein Nachrichts von Treibers denen es gut geht. Abends im Garten To= maten= u. Salatsetzen. Mittwoch, 16. Mai. Zum Essen gibt es S selbstgezogenen Spinat, der erste Polze Ergebnis unseren Gartenbaukunst! Abends wird bekan̄ t, daß die Radios wieder geholt werden dürfen. Allabendlich muß ein Garten gegessen werden, da das Wetter heiß u. trocken bleibt. Don̄ erstag, 17. Mai. Vormittags holt Werner bei Wieses Das Radio, des Hans-Dieter für uns vom Rathaus geholt hat. Alles ist froh, �als nun das Radio wieder da ist u. wir wieder Nachrichten hören kön̄ en. Mama u. ich sind morgens in der Geistmangel. Nachmittags holen Werner u. ich wieder [page 64] Tannenzapfen im Wald, wo sie wie gesüt liegen. Freitag, 18. Mai. Wir putzen das Wohnzimmer gründlich, klopfen Toppisch, naschen Vorhänge u. putzen Fenster und Türen. – Die Abendmilch muß jetzt auch abgeliefert werden, wir dürfen nicht mehr nach Glashütte zum Milchholen, sondern be= kom̄ en wieder Magermilch. Samstag, 19. Mai. Vormittags putzen u. mit Mama in Waldenbuch. Nachmittags kom̄ en wieder Marokkaner hineher auf dem Rückmag. Sie bleiben für unbestim̄ te Zeit, dürfen aber nicht mehr plündern. Pfingstson̄ tag, 20. Mai. Ruhiger Tag zu Hause mit kuchen u. gutem Essen. Nachmittags gehen wir auf den Berg hinauf, wo wir ungestört sind u. niemand belästigen (Seit einiger Zeit hat Frau Nafzer aus [page 65] umklärlichen Grunden einen Pik auf uns) �Abends bekom̄ en Mama u. ich bei Frau Laich in Glashütte Milch, durfen jeden Mittwoch u. Son̄ tag jetzt kom̄ en. Anschlie= ßend gehen wir noch schnell nach Wal= denbuch zu Wieses u. verlegen unseren geplanten Besuch am Pfingstmontag wegen der Schwerzen auf eine andere Zeit. Pfingstmontag, 21. Mai. Das Wetter verschlechtert sich zusehends. Mittags begin̄ t es zu regnen. Wir sind ruhig daheim, lesend u. strickend u. Radio hörend. Alle Nachrichten werden eifrig abgehört. Dienstag, 22. Mai. Mama geht morgens nach Waldenbuch. Die Schweizen sind anständig. Abends kom̄ t im Radio, daß bestim̄ te Kategorien deutscher Kriegsgefangener entlassen werden, darunter Män̄ er über 50 Jahre. Nun kön̄ en wir hoffen, daß Papa auch bald heimkom̄ t, das wäre ein größes Gluck für uns u. unsere Stellung im Hause. [page 66] Don̄ erstag, 234. Mai. Kühles Wetter. Nachmittags sind Gerde u. Anita Wiese einige Zeit da, was uns den̄ von Frau N. sichtlich übelgenom= men wird. Abends ankom̄ t Mama Herz= �geschichten. Freitag, 25. Mai. Mama muß in Bett bleiben. Morgens mache ich den Haushalt. Nach dem Essen muß ich helfen Kartoffelkäfersuchen. Die Führung hat Angelika Müller. Wir mussen jeden Kartoffelsock genau un= tersuchen und finden ziemlich viele Käfer u. Eier. Nachmittags muß sich Werer auf nach Glashütte. Der Wunsch nach Papas kom̄ en wird im̄ er dringender. Samstag, 26. Mai. Mama liegt weiterhin recht müde im Bett. Wir suchen sie um allehend guten Sachen zu ernähen. Sie ist ganz mager. Morgens putze ich u. gehe dan̄ zum Ein= kaufen. Es gibt Butter! [page 67] Gleich nach dem Essen gehe ich wieder nach Glashütte zu Maurers. Wir hacken Kar= toffeln. Das gute Wesper u. die Milch, die ich abends mitbekom̄ e, sind nicht zu verachten. Son̄ tag, 27. Mai. Mama muß ich im̄ er noch im Bett blei= ben. Auf diese Weise kom̄ t sie auf nicht mit Frau N. zusam̄ en. Die Stim= mung ist im̄ er noch gespan̄t . Nach= mittags gehen Werner u. ich in den �Wild u. machen die 2 Raumunter Holz, die uns zu gewiesen sind, aus findig. Sonst ruhig zuhause. Abends in Glashütte. Montag, 28. Mai. Morgens beim Bäcker, dan̄ kom̄ t der Haushalt. Nachmittags gehe ich Wieder zum Kartoffelhacken u. kann es nun schon besser wie das erstemal. Als ich abends heimkom̄ en, wartet meiner im große freudige Überraschung: Was wir im̄ er gehofft u. doch noch nichts sobald zu glauben vermacht hatten, ist geschehen: Papa ist heimgekom̄ en!!!! Nun ist unsere Freude riesengroß. [page 68] die das ist auch für Mama die beste Me= dizin. Papa steckt in einem Anzug von Onkel Herman̄ u. muß natürlich erzählen, was er erlebt hat: Er kon̄ te sich kurz vor der Besetzung von seinem General beurlauben lassen, nachdem alle Flugplütze verloren waren, die Leute durchgegangen waren u. er somit keine Pflicht mehr hatte. Er fahr dan̄ von Kristentshafen nach Wan= gen i. Allgäu, wo er bei einem Studien= rat Enderle einige Tage zu brachte. Als er merkte, daß man noch nach Ravensburg gelangen kon̄ te, führer �mit einem angehaltenen Auto dorthin u. uberlebte die Er Besetzungszeit bei Tante P Clare als Zivilist. 2 Stunden vor dem Franzoseneinmarsch kon̄ te er noch 6 Jahre Krieg nach richtig von der Wehrmacht Entlassen werden! Sobald es möglich war, halte er sich einen Passierschein nach Waldenbuch u. kon̄ te sogar mit dem Zug in 3 Tagen bis Untertürkheim fahren. Herman̄ je. ging stiften u. kam nach Hause [page 69] u. ging vom Lazerett aus in Gefangenschaft. – Von Untertürkheim aus fahr Papa noch Stuttgart u. machte überall Besuche: bei Schwenkels, Onkel Alfreds, Dr. Metzgers, Bäuerles u, in der Seestraße usw. Alle Haben die Zeit soweit gut überstanden, wen̄ sich auf die Franzosen in Stuttgart nicht sehr schön aufgefährt haben. Von Herr Bäuerle, den er sogar gleich zu erstaich der Straße traf, hörte Papa das sehr er= freuliche, daß Herr Bäuerle Kultminister werden soll! Und Papa soll auch so bald wir möglich beim Kultminister= ium mitarbeiten! Wie ist das schön! Wir sitzen in sehr glücklicher Stim= mung lange zusam̄ en u. trinken zur feier des Tages noch ein Flasche Wein. Papa ist gesund u. munter. �Nun ist also die Familie wieder ver= eint. Er Wir kön̄ te wir glücklich u. dankbar sein, daß wir nun so ver= hältnismäßig gut den Krieg über= standen haben! [page 70] Dienstag, 29. Mai. Es nicht bei uns schon eine ganz an= dere Luft. Durch das bloße Erschei= nen Papas ist auch die Stellung zu Nutzers wieder besser. Frau N. wird wieder freundlichen. Morgens muß Papa nach Waldenbuch u. sich auf dem Rathaus melden. Zum Mittagessen gibt es Käsespätzle! (Papa brächt etwas geriedenen Käse aus dem Allgäu) Ein Hochgenuß. Nachmittags bin ich wieder beim Hacken u. bringe abends kuchen mit. Den ganzen Abend erzählt uns Papa wieder von seinen Erlebnissen. Mittwoch, 30. Mai. Die Eltern gehen morgens nach Walden= Buch. Papa möchte einen Passierschein nach Stuttgart für den nächten Tag, be= kom̄ t ihn aber noch nicht, erst für Freitag. Wieder bin ich nachmittags beim Kar= toffelhacken. Vor einem plötzlichen Parken Gewitter retten wir uns gerade noch zu uns heim. Als es wieder trocken ist, �[page 71] wird weitergehackt. Am Abend liegen wir zu viert in den Ehebetten u. Papa erzählt wieder sehr ausführlich u. inter= ressant. Das kan̄ er wunderbar. Don̄ erstag, 31. Mai. Ein ziemlich regnerischer Tag. Mama liegt mittags wieder im Bett, aber es geht ihr schon erheblich besser. Nach= mittags werden Bücherschränke ge= räumt. Freitag, 1. Juni. Papa u. ich brechen schon um ½ 7 Uhr auf nach Stuttgart. Frau Frisch mit Hiseln geht auch mit. Wunderschone Morgenwanderung nach Echterdingen u. von da uns mit der Straßenbahn nach Stuttgart. In der Bahn treffen wir gleich Herr Kleemann. Er spielt wieder in Staatstheaterorchester mit, das zur Zeit für die Besatzung spielt. Aber bald, werden auch wieder Konzerte für des Publikum sirn. In der Stadt tren̄ en [page 72] wir uns, Papa geht zum Kultministerium, ich zu An̄ emarie [1 word illegible]. In Stuttgart blühen schon überall die Posen, [1 word illegible] u. Obst reifen schon, aber es wim̄ elt von Franzosen, die auch die schönsten �Häuser bezogen haben. An̄e [1 word illegible] ist zum Glück daheim, die hat eine wirklich große Freude über meinen Besuch. Sie haben bis jetzt alles ganz gut über= standen. An̄ e ist jetzt dan̄ auf dem Architektenbüro ihres Vaterstätig u. zeigt mir voll Stolz die Pläne für den Wiederaufbau ihres Hauses in der Dillman̄ straße. Ich bekom̄ e prima Kir= schen vorgesetzt. Aber bald muß ich weiter zum Weißenhof. Dort treffe ich zuerst niemand an aber dan̄ kom̄ en bald Anni u. Mechtild Eickenscheide. Sie haben in der ersten Zeit der Franzosen= besetzung ziemlich viel mitgemacht, besonders am Weißenhof haben die Fran= zosen übel gehaust u. geplündert, Män̄er gefangengehalten u. mißhandelt usw. [page 73] Gesund war auch eine Zeitlang da, ist aber jetzt wieder noch Hülben, von Hil= degard abgeholt. Ein Glück, daß Schwenkels Haus den Krieg überdauert hat. Sie haben auch Einquartierung. In eigenen Gasten u. Nachbargarten haben sie Gemüse gepflanzt. Etwa um 3 Uhr mussen wir weiter, zu erst in die Seestraße u. dort verschiedene Sachen holen, dan̄ geht Papa zu G. Bäuerle u. ich zu Onkel Al= �freds, wo wir uns dan̄ wieder treffen. Onkel Alfeds Haus ist nu inmitten von lauter Trüm̄ ern einsam stehengeblie= ben. Wir kon̄ en gerade zum Kaffee, Stu= dienrat Schmid von Weißenhof kom̄ t auch. Politische Gespräche. Alles ist jetzt erleichtert u. froh, offen seine Meinung sagen zu kön̄ en. Aber nun altes fort. Wir fahren Mit der Bahn wieder bis Echterdingen u. wandern nach Hause. Unterwegs Bolkenbuch (Montelkomödie!). Daheim Nachessen u. großes Erzählen. [page 74] Samstag 2. Juni. Morgens putzen u. kochen. Regen. Mittags gehe ich noch aufs Feld, wo Maurers Ruben setzen. Abends machen Wir noch ein Tauschgeschäft mit einem Marokkaner, der uns für ein 5RM-Stück etwas Schokolade, Kaffee u. Tabak bringe. Überhaupt macht alles Geld, u. ander Tauschgeschäfte mit den Marokkanern, die zum Teil recht ordentliche Kerle sind u. Sonntag, 3. Juni. Nachmittags sind wir bei Wieses ein= geladen. x Es ist ein recht netter unter= haltender Nachmittag bei Kuchen, Schoko= �ladeeis u. einem fabelhaften Nudelauf= lauf als Nachtessen. Aber die Marokkaner sorgen ja mit für die Ernährung, Abends noch nach Glashütte. x Mit dem von Anite Geretteten „Laudate Dominum“ werden wir begrüße! Montag, 4. Juni. Nachmittags mit Maurers auf dem Feld beim „Ölmagen vernisa“ (Mohn ver= ziehen), wobei man ganz treuzlichen wird die Eltern holen mich abends ab. [page 75] Dienstag, 5. Juni. Papa geht nach Stuttgart. Morgens großer Krach . . . . . Nachmittags bin ich wieder mit Maurers auf dem Feld, Ölmagen verziehen u. hacken. Papa kom̄ t abends von Stuttgart zu= rück mit der Nachricht, daß er in Vaihingen eine passende, schöne Wohnung gefunden habe. 4 Zimmer mit schönem Bad u. Büche, unter im Haus ein Lebendsmittelgeschäft. Es wärefein, man̄ das klappen würde! x Durch Herr Treiber. Mittwoch, 6. Juni. Die Eltern gehen beide schon frühfart nach Vaihingen zur Besichtigung der Wohnung u. zum Wohnungs= amt. Ich bin nachmittags, beim �Rübenhecken. Große Hitze. Die Eltern kom̄ en abends zurück, die Leute werden uns gern in die Wohnung nehmen, aber da sie durch aus politischen Gründen freiwürde, (es war ein ST-Führer dein) kan̄ es sein daß sie von Wohnungsamt auch wieder [page 76] so vergeben wird (an KZ-Sträfglinge oder zuden, der Besetzung). Nun heißt es abwarten. Wir wurden ja gern jetzt im Som̄ er noch in Waldenbuch bleiben, in der schönen Gegend u. etwas abseits von den jetzigen Un= ruhen u. Mängeln des Stadtlebens aber wen̄ wir die Wohnung in dem anscheinend schönen Haus bekom̄ en kön̄ en, ist das ein großer Glücksfall u. wir müssen gleich zugreifen. Don̄ erstag, 7. Juni. Morgens botanisieren wir mit Papa auf dem Weg nah Waldenbuch. Die Pflanzen werden dan̄ daheim wissen= schaftlich bestim̄ t. Mittags schwitze ich wieder auf dem Rubenfeld. Der Most ist begehrte Lobung. Noch ein habe ich so viel Most getrünken! Dazwischen= hinein wird auf der ersten gemehrten Wiese „geschähelt“. Der heult hat �bigan̄ en. [page 77] Freitag, 8. Juni. Schon morgens gehe ich nach Glashütte Zum Heuen. Von einer Wiese zur Anderen geht es zum „Verstreuen, um= kehren, schächeln, werben“. Dazwischen= hinein wird gut genespert u. getrunken. Samstag, 9. Juni. Das Wetter ist regnerisch, also wird es nichts mit dem Heuen. Morgens daheim, noch dem Essen gehe ich nach Glashütte, kom̄ e aber gleich wieder, da mit dem Heu nichts mehr gemacht werden kann. Nachmittags werden Pflanzen bestim̄ t. Son̄ tag, 10. Juni. Wetter morgens schön, bald aber trüb. Wir sind die meiste Zeit da= heim. Nach dem essen spielen wir für Moham̄ ed, der ständigen Marok= kaner-Hausgest klavier, was dem großes Vergnügen macht. Gegen Abend Spaziergangens Batoniesieren. [page 78] Papa will uns in Lauf des Son̄ es die wichtigsten Pflanzen beibringen, Werner u. ich kön̄ en uns aber nur Schwer mit den lateinischen Namen �vertraut machen. Montag, 11. Juni. Für den heutigen Tag haben Onkel Alfreds ihren Besuch angesanft. Mor= gens sieht das Wetter ganz land= regenmäßig aus, so daß wir Angst haben, unseren Kuchen u. Schlag= rahm allein essen zu müssen. Das trifft auch ein, da Besuch kom̄ t nicht, der Kuchen war noch aufgehoben. Dienstag, 12. Juni. Papa in Stuttgart. Wir haben wieder Ein aufregendes Erlebnis. 3 Franz. Offiziere kom̄ en u. verhaften Herr Nafzer u. nehmen ihn mit. Bei dieser Gelegenheit durchsuchen sie auch das Haus, nehmen einiges mit und [page 79] lassen ihre Wut über das dareinreden Frau Nafzers in unseres Küche aus wo sie alles Schublade ausleeren u. heller, Schüssel u. Platten zusam̄ en= hauen! Nachmittags kehren Werner u. ich in Glashütte auf Laichs Wiese schähle um. Mittwoch, 13. Juni. Vormittags bei Maurers. Da aber im̄ er noch kein Heuwetter ist, gehe ich mit zum Fütterholen. Mittags �kom̄ en Onkel Alfred u. Elisabeth. Wir setzen ihnen ein gutes Essen vor u. zum Kaffee Kuchen mit Schlagsahne, was natülich die wenig gut ge= nährten Städter hoch entzückt. Nach dem Essen kleiner Spaziergang durch den Garten. Es ist ein recht netten Nachmittag. Onkel Afred macht seine üblichen Witzehen. Gegen Abends be= gleiten wir die beiden bis zum Gehen= hof und nehmen von daß einen Korb Kartoffeln mit hin unter. [page 80] Don̄ erstag, 14. Juni. Schöner Tag. Morgens kleine Wäsche in der Küche. Deshalb Krach mit Frau Nafzer, die sich im̄ er gemeiner u. ordinärer entpüppt. Später bin ich bei Maurers zum Heuen. Freitag, 15. Juni. Beim Heuen. Samstag, 16. Juni. Wieder den ganzen Tag beim Heuen. Mittags kom̄ t auch noch Ingrid Meller zum helfen. Die muß aber alles erst noch lernen, während ich mich schon „fast als bäuerin“ fühlen kan̄ . Werner hilft bei der Familie Laich heuen. �Son̄ tag, 17. Juni. Wir bekom̄ en wieder Besuch u. zwei von der Familie Schwenkel (Onkel Hans, Tante Martha, Gertrud u. Amei). Wir Entzücken sie mit gutem Essen u. kuchen mit Schlagsahne. Es wird ein sehr netter Tag. Wir begleiten sie dan̄ bis zum Gehenhof hinauf. [page 81] Montag, 18. Juni. Heute ist ein sehr angestrengten Heutag. 3 große Wagen werden eingefahren. Den Ganzen Tag sind wir auf den Beinen. Das schönste ist des Heimfahren auf dem bollbeladener Wagen, bloß kom̄ t dem im̄ er das dicke Ende des Abladens nach, wobei wir schwitzen u. Staub schlucken. Abends kom̄ t Papa von Stuttgart, da mit der betrüblichen Nachricht, daß es mit der Wohnung wohl nichts wird. Dienstag, 19. Juni. Wieder beim heuen. Große Hitze, viel durft, viel most, Son̄ en= brand! Ingrid Meller, wie am Vortag, auch dabei. Mittwoch, 20. Juni. Der letzte Heutag. Die letzte Wiese wird eingefährt, allendings im großer geht weil ein Gewitter droht. Wir �helfen noch andern Leuten beim schächeln. Abends suchen wir noch auf dem Maurer= schen Kartoffelfeld Kartoffelkäfer. Wir finden viele Lernen. Wie der Hund fringt beinahe ein Reh. Die Eltern sind in Stuttgart u. Dagerloch, auf Wohnungs= suche. [page 82] Don̄ erstag, 21. Juni. Ruhiger Tag. S Freitag, 22. Juni. Nafzers sind fort u. wir benutzen diesen Tag zum Teppischklopfen u. Brickelzupfen. das Verhältnis mit Frau Nafzer wird unträglich mit der Zeit. Sie haßt uns jetzt u. will uns um jeden Preis draußen haben. Wir halten uns voll= kom̄ en zurück u. sagen möglichts gar nichts. Nachmittags sam̄ eln Mama u. ich in der Nähe des Hosenhofs Erdbeeren. Ergebnis: 3½ [1 word illegible]! Papa kom̄ t abends Von Stgt. Mit der Nachricht, daß er jetzt dan̄ jeden Tag ins Amtmuß. Samstag, 23. Juni. Morgens daheim. Unser Holz wird von Herr Maurer abgeführt. Frau Nafzer sagt, sie will sich von ihren Man̄ in Böblingen Vollmechten haben, um uns zu kundigen!x Abends hole ich in Glas= �hütte Milch u. helfe beim Futterholen. Sie brauche einen Schutz im Haus, wir seien ihr nicht genügend beigestanden! [page 83] Son̄ tag, 24. Juni. Morgens zeigen uns die Laichskinder eine habelhafte himbeerstelle auf dem Besenberg. Wir sam̄ eln am Vormittag 4 [1 word illegible], den̄ es ist schon ziemlich abgesucht. Nachmittags spa= ziergang zur „Suren“ (Herr Kaufman̄ ). Unterwegs treffen wir Frau Wiese u. Frau Heilsdörfer mit Korin. Montag, 25. Juni. Morgens sam̄ eln Werner u. ich 8 U Himbeeren! Mittags daheim einkochen, Kartoffelhacken. Nafzers in Böblingen. Von den Kundigungsvollmachten ist nichts zu meinen. Dienstag, 26. Juni. Morgens sind wir alle drei beim Himbeersam̄ eln. Mittags daheim. Abends kom̄ t Papa von Stuttgart. Er wohnt alle 2 Tage bei Schwenkels u. ißt auch dort. Mittwoch, 27. Juni. Mein Plan, ins Remstal zugehen, wird wegen Regen u. Herzgeschichten von Mama vereitelt. Frau Nafzer braucht „dringend“ den Verschlag unter der Treppe für ihren Staubsauger, so daß wir �alle Koffer herausräumen müssen. Schekane! [page 84] Freitag, 29. Juni. Ich fahr nach Groß-Heppach u. hole Träuble. Mit der Straßenbahn bis Fellbach, dort bekom̄ e ich ein Auto bis Waiblingen u. kom̄ e zu fuß ans Ziel. Ich pflücke mir selber ≈20 [1 word illegible] Träuble. Ellwangers sind sehr nett. Zum Glück bekom̄ e ich sogar von Haus weg ein Lastauto bis Fellbach. Schon um 4 Uhr bin ich auf dem Schloßplatz. Da ich Papa nicht treffe gehe ich zu Schwenkels. Dort ist er, auch Hich [?] mit Ameile. Sie mußte in Hülben Amerikanern die Wohnung räumen. Zum erstaunen aller kom̄ e ich abends schon früh nach Hause zurück. Samstag, 30. Juni. Einmachen, putzen usw. Mittags kom̄ t Papa. Besichtigen der Wohnung, bei Frl. Sophie Müller in der Liebenau, die wir vielleicht haben kön̄ ten. Der Wunsh die Nafzer verlassen zu kön̄ ten wird im̄ er größer. Son̄ tag, 1. Juli. Mittags mit Dr. Gerlach, dem neuen Waldenbucher Arzt (jung, sehr nett) Bei Wieses eingeladen. An̄emarie Schum̄ hat Geburstag. Febelhafte Genüsse! [page 85] �Montag, 2. Juli. Werner sam̄ elt Himbeeren. Einmachen. Papa fährt mittags nach Stuttgart. Dienstag, 3. Juli. Morgens mit Gerde u. Hans-Dieter in den Himbeeren. Regen. Szene Frl. Nafzer. Nachmittags daheim. Mittwoch, 4. Juli. In Stuttgart. Mama läßt sich Dauer= wellen. Ich gehe in die Seestraße, dan̄ beide zusam̄ en zu Schwenkels.x Auf dem Heimng schleppe ich einen Rucksackvoll gelben Rüben.x Großmama wieder da! Don̄ erstag, 5 Juli. Amerikaner machen in der Liebenau Quartier für 100 Man̄ . Beschlagenahmen ≈ 6 Häuser an der Straße. Gefahr auch für unser Haus; deshalb gehe ich abends mit Papa noch nach Waldenbuch zu Bürgermeister Neff, es ist aber nichts bekan̄ t. Freitag, 6. Juli. Zur Vorsicht räumen wir etliche Sachen zu Schopfs. Besetzung des Hauses wird wahrscheinlich, den̄ Frau Nafzer will es den Amerik. Freiwillig anbieten (!!!). (Welch eine GelegenHeit, uns hinaus zubekom̄ en!) Ich gehe [page 86] Mittags nach Degerloch zu Krefs u. hole innen Korb Träuble. Außerdem gehe ich einer Woh �nungsmöglichkeit nach, was aber scheitert. Als ich heimkom̄ en, wurde ich von der Bot= schaft überrascht, daß Mama einer Wohnung von 3 Zimmern in Schloß gefunden hat! Nach langem Laufen am Abend bekom̄ t sie sogar einen Traktor mit Anhänger für den nächsten Tag, so daß wir schon vor der Besetzung durch die Amis im Umzug be= griffen sind. Samstag, 7. Juli. Umzug! Morgens fast hoffnungslosen Regen. Um ½10 Uhr kön̄ en wir an= fangen hinauszutragen. Mittlerweile kom̄ en die Amis, nehmen tatsächlich das Haus! Wir müssen bis 2 Uhr draußen [illegible insert] sein u. gegützt haben. Frau Nafzer treibt, u. kan̄ uns nicht schnell genug draußen haben, während sie den Garten plündert u. das ganze Haus mit Blumen für die Amerik. Schmückt. Wir schaffen unter stecker mit hilfe der Nachbar schaft, Bes. H. Fritz u. H. H. Eisenman̄ , schleppen Bücher zu Schafts, laden u. sind tatsächlich bis 2 Uhr fertig u. kehren dem Lieber Hause Nafzer nach kühlen Abschied sehr leichten Gegens den Rücken Ein so schlim̄ es, niedres Frauenzim̄ er wie die Nafzerin gibt es nicht so gleich [page 87] wieder. In den 3 großen Räumen im Schloß treffen wir ein unvorstellbar Chaos an, das �wir gleich zu lichten begin̄ en. Kurzer Besuch von Frau Weise u. Anite. Son̄ tag, 8. Juli Mama ist morgens ab des grauenhaften Krustes anzweifelt. Aber bis 12 Uhr haben un= ser 2 Räume (das 3. ist noch nicht frei) ein men= schenwürdiges Aussehen (Wohn. U. Schlafküche!) Abends Spaziergang nach Glashütte u. Liebenau. Man Wir hören, Herr Nafzer sei zurück. Alles stam̄ t. Montag, 9. Au Juli. Der Herd wird gesetzt. Mit dem Handragen holen wir 2 Fuhren voll Sachen bei Schopfs. Papa ist den ganzen Tag noch da.x Dienstag Mittwoch, 10. Juli Das 3. Zimmer wird frei. Ich fahre nach Groß-Heppach u. hole Träuble. Die Reise geht glett mich Lastauto bis Waiblingen u. auf dem Rückweg sogar mit amerik. Militärauto bis Waiblingen Fellbach. Ich bekom̄ e etwa 25 [1 word illegible] Träuble, die letzten! In Stuttgart bei Papa u. Frl. Kupp. Mittwoch, 11. Juli. Regnischer Tag. Fenster u. 3. Zim̄ er putzen u. einrichten (Schlafzim̄ er), Einmachen. Abends kom̄ t Papa. x Bei Nafzers, Wiese zahlen. Nafzer strahlend u. vorseinen Unschuld überzeug, ist sehr liebenswürdig. Sie das Gegenteil �[page 88] Don̄ erstag, 12. Juli Morgens mit Werner Himbeersam̄ eln. Ertrag 10 [1 word illegible]. Es gibt sehr viel. Nachmittags in Nafzerschen Garten. Ernten u. Ordnung schaffen in unserem Stück. Frau Nafzer benim̄ t sich unmöglich u. sagt uns dauernd Unverschumtheiten, während er= freundlich ist. Freitag, 13. Juli. Morgens holen wir mit dem Traktor Frau Ottmüllers ub euber Fähre die Sachen bei Schopfs. (Bücher!!) Mittags Einräumen u. Ordnen (Bucherschrank!!) Unsere Wohnung ist jetzt sehr nett u. gemütlich. x Samstag, 14. Juli. Vormittags mit Werner u. Hans-Dieter Himbeersam̄ eln. (9 [1 word illegible]!) Mittags kom̄ t Papa. Gemütlicher Kaffee. Nachricht: Eine Wohnung in Vaihingen ist in Aussicht. [1 word illegible] von uns: Oh weh, schon wieder um= ziehen? Son̄ tag, 15. Juli. Heißer Tag, wir sind meistens faulen= Gend daheim. Abends Spaziergang in richtung Weil. x ...teil [?]: keine Wasserleitung u. kein Ausguß. [page 89] Montag, 16. Juli. �Werner in Stuttgart. Besichtigt mit Papa die Vaihingen Wohnung. Die sei schön und modern. Mittwoch, 18. Juli Mittags geanwaschen. Als ich gerade beim Trocknen bin, kom̄ t Wilfried Schleicher. Er ist von Lübeck aus entlassen werden u. wohnt nun in Vaihingen. Meiß natürlich von keinem seiner Familienglieder et= was. Tante Erika wird in russischen Gebiet sein. Kleider wurden ihm in Vaihingen gestohlen. Gemütl. Kaffee. Don̄ erstag, 19. Juli. Nachmittags fährt Herr Maurer endlich unser Holz von der Liebenau ins Schloß. Wieder einige Unverschämtheiten Frau Nafzers. Abends Holz beigen. Abends Glashütte (3x wähentlich [?] darf ich bei Maurers Milch holen) Dr. G. Freitag, 20. Juli. Mit Mama in Stuttgart. Bei Fraulein Rupp (kleider anprobieren), bei Göttrer [?] locher, dessen Haus schwer getroffen ist (Bohnen). In Vaihingen besuchen wir Frau Treiber u. besichtigen die Wohnung im Hause Schare, die uns in Aussicht sieht. Sie ist schön (Badezim̄ er!!, Küche!) Heimweg mit Frl. G. Müller. [page 90] Samstag, 21. Juli x Morgens Haushalt. Küchenbacken für �morgigen Besuch. Waffendurchsuchung im ganzen Ort. Aus Schloß kom̄ eben niemand. x Werner sam̄ elt Himbeeren. Son̄ tag, 22. Juli. Himbeerküchen belegen - - . Mittags Familie Wiese u. Dr. Gerlach zu Besuch. Schlem̄ erischer Kaffee. Netter Nachmittag. Meine u. Werners „Werk“ werden gezeigt, platten gehört. Montag, 23. Juli. Die Getreideernte begin̄ t. Ich helfe wieder wie versprochen, bei Maurers. Gerste u. Habengerste werden geschnitten, ich muß mit Willi das Gemüste „wegnehmen“. Dienstag, 24. Juli. Den ganzen Tag bei der Ernte. Wieder schreiden. Mittwoch, 25. Juli. Wieder bei der Ernte. Sehr heiß. Mittags Wird eingeführt. Ich muß „uffbäkle“, [page 91] antragen, Ahrenlesen. Abends kom̄ t Papa: die Vaihinger Wohnung ist genehmigt. Geteilt Gefühle unserrseits. Aber wir dürfen einen solchen Glücksfall nicht hinauslassen u. müs= sen eben bald wieder umziehen. Don̄ erstag, 26. Juli. Morgens dauerwellen. Mittags bei der Ernte. Beim Einführen kom̄ t ein furcht- �bares Gewitter mit Volkenbruch. Naß bis auf die Haus. Heim zum Traknen. Abends noch beim Mühen. Freitag, 27. Juli. Morgens bei Maurers Strumpfe stoffen, dan̄ einführen. Herr Maurer braucht micht jetzt nicht mehr dringend, so kan̄ ich zum Ahrenlesen. Werner u. Mama sam̄ eln an dem Tag 17 [1 word illegible] Ähnen. Samstag, 28. Juli. Morgens mit Werner u. Frau Scholl beim Ähnenlesen. Naß. Mittags putzen, daheim, Regen. Papa kom̄ t abends: Herr Weller aus d. Liebenau, der harmlos durch uns von der Vaihinger Wohnung erfähr, macht sie uns als nicht-PG streitig. Die Sache ist nun wieder an Frage gestellt. [page 92] Son̄ tag, 29. Juli Ruhiger Son̄ tag daheim. Montag, 30. Juli. Morgens u. Mittags beim Ähnenlesen. Wettlauf der Ähnenleser hinter dem ge= ladenen Magen! Abends Gliederweh!! Dienstag, 31. Juli. Papas Geburtstag. Er kom̄ t aber nicht heim. Ähnenlesen. Mittwoch, 1. August. Stubes Wetter. Kurze Zeit Ähnenlesen. �Abends geburtstagsfeier mit Werner u. Papa. Die Vaihinger Wohnung ist nun doch endgultig genehmest. Don̄ erstag, 2. August. Werners Geburtstag. Schon um 11 Uhr zum Ähnenlesen. Ergiebigster Tag (23 [1 word illegible]). Die freundl. Familie Ruck läßt uns viele schöne Ähne liegen, im Gegensatz zu anderen Bauern, die den armen Lesern gar nichts gön̄en. Am 5 x zum guten [page 93] Kaffee heim. Am 10 Uhr jage uns noch die Gingend der Familie Wiese mit ihrem Gratu= latierensbesuch aus dem Best. Freitag, 3. August. Morgens Ähnenlesen. Es ist nun nicht mehr viel, die Ernte is vorbei. Gesamtergebeis ≈ 1 ztr. Ähne! Abends machen wir kle. Besuch bei Wieses. Es wird bei Tee u. Brezelchen riesig gemütlich. Wir radebrechen mit einem Amerikaner, den Anita, die „Dolmetschein“ mitbrachte. Samstag, 4. August. Werner u. ich mit den Räder in Stuttgart bei Locher u. in der Seestraße. Fert Herr Heimtel ist da, er erzählt uns von seinen Erlebnissen. Er will sich unser Umständen in der Seestraßenruine wieder einrichten. Den̄ in die Stadt, bei Papa, Mittag- �Essen in Frank. [1 word illegible] Werkt! Dan̄ auf den Weißenhof. Nachricht von Ulrich ist da: Er liegt verwundet in Lübeck bei der Eltern Engländern. Große Freude! Hildegard u. Onkel Hans in Steibis. Ameile geldig. Papa U das Schwenkel’sche Haus vor allem die Zim̄ er der Töchter, sind wieder schön eingerichtet. Papa bringt [page 94] Abends die Nachricht, daß wir die Dachkam̄ en in Vaihingen nicht bekom̄ en. Frage: Wo kom̄ t der Krust hin? Son̄ tag, 5. August. Pläne für die Einrichtung unserer Vaihinger Wohnung werden gemacht. Nachmittags Besuch von Mera Heimtel. Heimtels waren über die Besuchung in Unlingen bei Riedlingen. Mera bleibt zum Kaffee da, nacsher begleiten Werner u. ich sie fast bis Echterdingen. Montag, 6. August. Werner u. ich fahren mit den Rädern nach Plattenardt. Nach langem vergeblichen Fragen bekom̄ en wir 8 [1 word illegible] gelbe Pfläumen u einige Apfel. Den̄ fahren wir noch nach Sielmingen zu Frau Gölkel. Sie hat jetzt mit Gerlind, die bei Bauernhilft 2 schöne Zim̄ er u. Küche. Als PG muß sie manche Befurchtun= gen haben, ihre Man̄ hat das goldene Parteiabzeichen, ist in Amerika. – Nachmittags �Wasser kalt u. schmutzig. [page 95] Dienstag, 7. August. Mama fährt nach Stuttgart zum Zahnegt. Werner u. ich daheim. Abends zu Wieses zum Spielenachen zus. mit Dr. Gerlach u. seiner Frau, die vor Oberstdorf gekom̄ en ist. 3 Amenrik. Leutnants sind auch da. Wir machen Gesselschaftsspiele u. sind sehr lustig! Nafzer u. Knödler verhiftet! Mittwoch, 8. August. Morgens Wäsche einlagen. Regen. Nachmittags lesen, stricken, abends kom̄ t Papa. Don̄ erstag, 9. August. Große Wäsche! Aber endauernder Regen. Wir kön̄ en nichts ins Frei hängen, so wird unser Wohn. u. Schlafküche als zum Trockenraum für dientwäsche. Freitag, 10. August. Morgens bis zum Regen Wüsche aufhängen die zum Teil trocken wird. Waschluche putze Mittags bugeln. Abends kom̄ t Wilfried, da eine Radpan̄ e hatte u. ubernachtet auch bei uns. Samstag, 11. August Werner u Wilfried fahren nach mißlun= genern Aufbruch um 6 Uhr, etwa im 10 Uhr ab. Werner holt in Stuttgart Bohnen. [page 96] �Einkaufen, anstehen . ., backen, putzen. Abends kom̄ t Papa. Die Vaihin= ger Wohnung ist frei, wir kön̄ en schon bald einzehen. Wir bekom̄ en 10 [1 word illegible] Bohnen von Frau Ruck, Werner bringt 10 [1 word illegible], alle werder noch am Abend geputzt. Son̄ tag, 12. August. Vormittags Bohnen kochen u. aufhängen, usw. Mittags kleiner Spaziergang, Besuch bei Herr Leiblin (Harigbrote?) Abends kleiner Besuch bei Wieses. Alles fährt morgen nach Stuttgart! Montag, 13. August Am 6 Uhr Abfahrt auf überfülltem lest. Wegen zus. mit An̄emarie Schum̄ . Ab Leinhelten Straßenbahn. Zusammentreffen mit Fraulein Uhland. Sehr nett. Werner u. ich räumen das jetzt helle Zim̄ er in der Seestraße auf u. putzen darin. Furchtbarer Krust u. Streck. Um ¼[1 word illegible] Uhr treffen mit der Jugend der Fam. Wiese u. Nikola. Mittagessen u. anschließend Kinobesuch. Marikka Rökk im „Hab mich lieb“. Sobi! [page 97] Werner besucht Han̄ a Meyer. Ich schaue noch Rose Göhrum, treffe aber mir Frau Göhrum Rose ist im Zeit. an. Die Wohnung ist stark beschädigt bei Ruth Sauer ist niemand da, aber zufällig �treffe ich sie nachher am Olgank. Sie machte bei der TH Aufräumungsarbeiten. Dan̄ Heimfahrt u. Weg mit Wieses zusam̄ en. Dienstag, 14. August. Vormittags waschen, Bohnen dörren usw. Nachmittags in Plattenhardt. Wir bekom̄ en einen Rucksackvoll ziemlich kleine saure Äpfel. Abends kom̄ en Wieses. Wir machen Gesellschaftsspiele. Mittwoch, 15. August. Morgens in Plattenhardt. Wir bekom̄ en Äpfel u. Birnen. Dan̄ auf den Hosenhof, wo wir 70 [1 word illegible] Kartoffeln holen. Im̄ er sind wir für die Ernährung unter= wegs! Abends kom̄ t Papa. Herr [two words illegible] sich des Leben genom̄ en. Don̄ erstag, 16. August. Werner u. ich fahren mit den Rädern nach Großsachsenheim. Ein Weg 50 km. Abfahrt 6 Uhr, Ankufcht ¼11 Uhr. Unterwegs nähren wir uns von Apfeln – die Bäume sind [page 98] überall von Obst. Zuerst gehen wir zu Frau Merz, um nach unseren Sachen zu sehen u. den baldigen Abtransport anzukündigen. in Großsachsenheim ging es in der ersten Zeit der Besetzung schlim̄ zu. Frau Merz setzte sich sehr für unsere Sachen ein. Ihr ver= danken wir es, daß außer einigen Klei= �den nichts von unsere Sachen gepfündert ist. S Frau Merz gibt uns sogar 10 [1 word illegible] Raps für 2 l Öl (!!!!!) u. Birnen mit. Sie ist sehr nett. Frau Metzger treffen wir in großer Eile an. Sie muß nach Ludewigsburg, wo da. Häußer= man̄ (SS) verhaftet ist. Unser Kisten bei Metzgers sind fast vollständig geplündert. Auf dem Rückweg fahren wir über Korn= sel. Han̄ a Reser treffe ich an. Sie pflust ihre schwerkranke Mutter. Frl. Pröbiuß ist in Teinach, Onkel Gotthilf auch nicht da. Das letzte Ruck ist vollends an Schlauch, um 6 Uhr kom̄ en wir ziemlich müde, mit Rucksäcken voll Äpfeln daheim an. Freitag, 17. August. Morgens putzen, usw. Nachmittags im Wald am Meiler Berg. Tan̄enzapfen sam̄ eln. [page 99] Abends bei Frau Ruck Gemüse holen. Samstag, 18. August Werner holt in Stuttgart Tomaten. Ich muß bei Raith morgens ≈ 1½ Stdn. anstehen! Papa u. Werner kom̄ en abends mitein= ander. In Vaihingen erfähr Papa, daß Möbeltransport jetzt verboten ist. Wie wird also unser Umzug werden? Son̄ tag, 19. August. Den ganzen Tag Regen. Wir bleiben daheim. Papa ist mit den Moren sehr �herunter u. wird auch im̄ er mageren. Er hat fürchtbar viel Arbeit. Montag, 20. August. Wieder den ganzen Tag staunender Regen. Dienstag, 21. Aug. Mama geht nach Stuttgart zum Zahnarzt. Werner u. ich bringen unser Sack Ähnen zu Maurers zum Drechen. Wir haben Glück: Es wird sofort gedreschen! Ergebnis 82 [1 word illegible] Fruchts!! Wir haben den transportieren wir nun anschließend in 2 Fahrten die 3 Kisten bei Frl. Krauß u. 1 bei Schlepels in [page 100] der Liebenau aufs Schloß. Mittags kön̄ en wir unsere Frucht gleich in Mehl um= tauschen. In der Stadtmühle bekom̄ en wir ⅓ Weiß u. ⅔ „Schwarz“ mehl u. etwas klein. Hochbeglückt sind wir über das stolze Ergebnis unserer Mühe! Mama kom̄ t abends ziemlich geplegt von Zahnarzt heim. Ich fahre geschwind in die Glashütte u. anschließend ist Spiel u. Sangabend bei Wieses. Sehr nett u. lustig. Werner, Nikola u. Hans-Dieter lernen das Tanzen u. sind unsere „Karaliert“. Wieses lassen uns um ½11 Uhr nicht gehen, der (von Stuni) erwartete Amerikaner kom̄ t nicht so kön̄ en wir nicht mehr heim, sondern müssen bei Wieses übernachten. Ich mit �Anita u. Gerde in 2 Betten. Mittwoch, 22. August. Um 9 Uhr Heißmangel. Dan̄ fahren Werner u. ich noch Plattenhardt u. holen Olgaäpfel (≈ 40 [1 word illegible]) Nachmittags werden die großen Kisten geräumt u. geordnet. Wir haben wieder mal ein Haus! [page 101] Don̄ erstag, 23. August Werner u. ich fahren mit dem Rad nach Stutt= gart zu Schwenkels. Da bekom̄ en wir von deren reicher Ernte einen Teil Zwetschgen, die wir uns selber von Baum pflücken. Wir treffen Wolfgang u. Hig an, die von Steibis gekom̄ en sind, wo ja Wolf= gang (als Laienbrüder !!!!) hingewandert war u. sich dort verbrgen gehalten hatte, um der Gefangenschaft zu entgehen. Hildegard war hinaufgefahren, um ihn zu holen. Onkel Hans u. Wolfgang spelten Holz, wie tragen es nach u. müssen auch noch zum Essen dableiben. Es ist wieder mal recht nett bei Schwenkels. Ameile ist goldig. Onkel Hans u. Gertrud sind auch da, wir sind eine große Tafelrunde. Nachmittags gehen wir noch zu Papa u. auf’s W Ver= kehrsamt, erhalten aber wegen des Möbeltransports negativen Bescheid. Ziemlich müde kom̄ en wir heim u. betätigen uns �abends beim ...aussteinen [?] u. durch= treiben. Freitag, 24. Aug. Morgens einmachen, putzen, kochen usw. Mittags Reise Korb vordem, bei Frau Ruck Gemüse holen. [page 102] Samstag, 25. August. Morgens Rad putzen Haushalt. Mittags Rad utzen. Papa kom̄ t. Son̄ tag, 26. August. Papa ist mit den Nernen [?] furchtbar her= unter. Mittags bei Frl. Essig (mit Anite u. h. d. Wiese), wo wir Flötenmusik mit klarinetbegleitung geboten bekom̄ en. Ich muß Frl. Essig auch an kleiner ablösen, allerdings nicht rühmlich. – Nach dem Kaffee Wald= spaziergang mit Familie Gerlach, die ge= rade uns besuchen wollten u. denen wir begegneten. Wir finden Pilze. Montag, 27. August. 6 Uhr früh Start nach Groß-Heppach. Wir kön̄ en bis Sielmingen auf einen Lastwagen mitfahren. In Eslingen be= suchen wir Frau Linder. Nach langem Schieben u. Herzlicher Abfahrt über dem Schurwald, kom̄ en wir um ¼11 Uhr nach Heppach, treffen aber Ellwangers erst um 12 Uhr an. Ihr Sohn Alfred ist zu rückgebehrt. Wir bekom̄ en schöne Äpfel u. Birnen u. �[page 103] fahren mit schwerbegackten Rädern wieder ab. Der Tag ist sehr heiß. Bei Waiblingen werden wir 2 Stdn. Durch eine Pan̄ e von Werner aufgehalten. Dan̄ fahren wir weiter über Stuttgart-Vaihingen u. sind endlich um ¼10 Uhr ziemlich, abge= kämpft daheim. Dienstag, 28. August. Morgens Eindünsten von Apfelbrei u. Birnen. In der Mittags sitze schwitzen wir zum Hosenhof hinauf u. bekom̄ en dort von eine netten Frau ¼ [1 word illegible] Kartoffeln, man kan̄ nämlich sonst gar keine Kaufen. Wir helfen ihr auch auf dem Feld etwas. daheim Haarewaschen, abends nach Glashütte. Mittwoch, 29. Aug. Morgens gehen W. U. ich mit Hans-Dieter u. Nikola ins Holz. Wir sam̄ eln 3 große Säcke S Tan̄ enzapfen u. finden viele Steinpitze. Große Hitze. Abends kom̄ en Wieses zu uns. Es ist wieder sehr nett u. lüstig bei Gesellschaftsspielen u. Tanz. Unsere „Tanzschüler“ machen fortschritte. Don̄ erstag, 30. Aug. Mama u. Werner sind in Stuttgart. Ich bin allein daheim u. betätige mich morgens im Haushalt. Aber Mittags nähe ich mir ein sichthemd. �[page 104] Freitag, 31. Aug. Regnerischer Tag. Samstag, 1. September Morgens das übliche Anstehen bei Raich, Haushalt. Nach dem Essen fährt Werner nach Vaihingen u. geht mit Papa zu Herr Schare, um zu sagen, daß Weller anscheinend im̄ er noch mit unser Wohnung ergreift ist. Ich gehe in den Wald u. finde in kurzer Zeit einen großen Korb u. 1 Setz voll der schönsten Steinpilze. Die werden daheim gleich gepützt u. in Eindunstgläser gefillt. Dan̄ holen gehen wir Papa u. Werner entgegen. Die Vaihinger Wohnung kön̄ en wir jetzt begiehen, Herr Schare würde uns die Möbeltransportieren. Papa hat große Bedenken, aber wir sind sehr für sofortigen Umzug, damit uns die Woh= nung nicht wieder hinausgeht. Nach dem Nachtessen (herlliches Pilzgericht) gehen Mama u. ich nochmals in die Pilze, um noch ein paar Gläser zu füllen. Son̄ tag, 2. Sept. Nachmittags kom̄ t Rolf Maurer, der uns auch noch auf der folgende Spa= [page 105] ziergang in den Wald begleitet. Dan̄ gehen wir zu Wieses, um unseren baldigen �Umzug anzukundigen. Sie bedauren es wirklich tief, daß wir weggehen. auch unser Gefühle sind natürlich ge= mischt, aber es hat viel für sich, wieder in der Stadt zu sein. – Und ich weiß jetzt, was ich tun will. Wie habe ich mich in der letzten Zeit über meinen Beruf beson̄ en. Medizinstudium hat für ein Frau wenig Aussicht, Apothekarin mag ich nicht werden. Mama hat mir sehr lange gesagt, ich solle aufs höhere Lehramt studieren, aber Lehrerin wollte ich halt doch nicht recht sein. Aber nun sagte auch Papa, ich solle doch Biologie, Geographie u. Leibesübungen studieren u. das hat nun bei mir ein= geschlagen, das sind die Fächer, die mir liegen. Nun will ich mir einmal das vornehmen, ab es zum Studium könt, ist ja noch alles unsicher. Aber ich bin jetzt froh. Montag, 3. September. Werner fährt nachmittags nach Stuttgart u. Vaihingen u. kom̄ t abends mit der Nachricht, daß Herr Schare morgen abend mit einen Lastwagen voll Sachen hinüberfährt. Wir packen nun noch den [page 106] Ganzen Abend Eingemachtes usw. Dienstag, 4. Sept. Großes Räumen u. Packen, Einkaufen. �Abends kom̄ t die ga Familie Schare u. Sage mit dem Lastwagen. In Eile wird mit Hilfe von Nikola, HansDieter u. noch einem Man̄ geladen u. dan̄ fahren Papa, W. U. ich mit hinüber nach Vaihingen u. laden, schon in der Nacht ab. x Die Wohnung ist sehr schön u. Schare’s sind sehr nette Leute. Was werden wir in dieser neuen Heimat alles erleben? Mittwoch, 5. September. Morgens fahren wir nach Echterdingen u. laufen mit 3 Waschkörben nach Waldenbuch. Nun wird der Anfänger geladen u. alles vollends gepackt, daß avebds der Lastwagen bloß nach schnell aufgeladen zu werden braucht. Wir machen noch einen Abschiedsbesuch bei Wieses, denen unser Weggehen ehrlich x Zum Schluß heut sich Papa noch stark den Kopf an ein Dächle, daß wir um 10 Uhr noch zum Arzt müssen. Zum Glück muß aber die Wunde nicht gemäßt werden. [page 107] sehr leid treff. Aber wir werden einander nicht untreu. – Abends warten wir vergeblich auf den Wagen u. müssen noch einmal in Waldenbuch übernachten. Bei �Schalls sind wir noch zu Pilzen eingeladen. W. u. ich schlafen auf d. Boden. In der Nacht bekom̄ t Papa, der schon den ganzen Tag sehr erregt war, fürchtbar Angstzu= stände, depressionen, es ist ganz schrecklich. Werner muß im ½2 Uhr Dr. Gerlach holen. Papa wird es wieder leichter. Ein paar Stunde ist Dr. Gerlach da u. Papa kan̄ uns alles sagen über seinen Zustan. Dr. Ger= lach ist sehr nett. Eine unverpestliche Nacht. - er sieht alles schwarz. Don̄ erstag, 6. Sept. Nachdem wir um 5 Uhr ins Bett gekom̄ en waren, kom̄ t wieder Erwarten um 6 Uhr Herr Schare mit dem Wagen! In Win= deseile wird mit Hilfe von Schalls usw. H Neff geladen, Nikola fährt mit nach Vaihingen zum Abladen. Es regnet zwar Aber alles geht doch sehr gut u. schnell. Anfänglich herrscht das Khaos, über bald lichtet sich das u. unsere Wohnung ver= spricht sehr schön u. gemütlich zu werden, wen̄ erst die Möbel von Großsachsenheim kom̄ en, wir langen haben u. Wahringe hängen. Sonsts kön̄ en wir alle gut schlafen! [page 108] Freitag, 7. Sept. Papa geht wieder ins Amt. Wir sind wieder mit Räumen, Ordnen und �Putzen beschäftigt. S Ich kaufe Brot u. Milch. Werner fährt mittags nach Waldenbuch u. holt sein Rad. Mama will wegen Papa zu Dr. Metzger, richts ihn aber nicht an. Samstag, 8. September. Ich fahre morgens in die Stadt zu Laher wegen Gemüse, kaufe ein Buch für Anite u. gehe ins Kaufhaus „für alle“, wo es allerhand gibt (z.B. Kloginsel!). Onkel Alfred kom̄ t geschwind mit dem Bescheid, daß er Dr. Metzger nicht erreichen kon̄ te. Son̄ tag, 9. Sept. Trotz des Umzugs erleben wir einen ruhigen Son̄ tag daheim. Die Wohnung ist jezt schon recht gemütlich. Montag, 10. Sept. Mama geht morgens zu Tante Martha, Werner geht aufs Rathaus u. Arbeits= Amt, ich besorge den Haushalt u. gehe [page 109] Auch aufs Arbeitsamt, im mir ein Meldekarte zu holen. Werber nuttags ub der Stadt, Dienstag, 11. September Mama mit Papa bei Nervenarzt Dr. Gundert. Papa darf 4-6 Wochen nicht mehr ins Amt. W. U. ich dichten abends für Anite. Mittwoch, 12. Sept. W. u. ich fahren mittags nach Waldenbuch. �Anite hat Geburtstag. Nachdem wir unseren Sachen erledigt haben, kon̄en wir auch noch zur Feier. Dr. Gerlachs, Wahls, Frl. Essig u. Frl. Reichle sind da. Wir machen Spiele. Abends „Milchfenster“. ½10 Uhr daheim. Don̄ erstag, 13. Sept. Morgens Äpfel-Einkauf bei Layfer. Mittags daheim. Papa im Bett. Seine Gemütsstimmung ist nicht gut. Freitag, 14. Sept. W. u. ich mittags in Groß-Heppach. Wir treffen Ellmangers auf dem Acker. Bekommen 60 [1 word illegible] Äpfel, trauben. Auf der heimfahrt Panne. Abends Papa gut. Samstag, 15. Sept. Morgens Haushalt Gemüseanstehen. Nachmittags kom̄ t Tante Martha. W. U. ich fahren mit ihr hinunter nach Stgt. U. holen Apfelhändle aus D. Seestraße. Son̄ tag, 16. Sept. Vormittags Besuch v. Wilfried Schleichen. Nachmittags daheim. Nuhen. [page 110] Montag, 17. Sept. Ich gehe mit Papa nach Deckenpfron̄ wegen Kartoffeln. Mit S Herr Schare fahren wir bis Gärtringen u. laufen vollens 6 km nach D. Zu unserem Schrecken sehen wir, daß der Ort nach bei von der Besetzung ⅔ zerstört wurde. �Auch Ernst’s Haus ist weg. Er wohnt bei Vermendten. Aber Kartoffeln kön̄ en wir Haben. Auf dem Rückweg müssen wir bis Böblingen laufen weil kein Auto hält. Treffen Lotte [?] Puth. vvon Böblingen fahrt auf Kiesgeladenen Bulldoggenhunger. W. an diesem Tag in Waldenbuch, Kartoffeln herausmachen. Nafzerin!! Dienstag, 18. Sept. W. in der Handelsschule, Nenographiekurs. Ich morgens u. mitags in Stuttgart, beides mal wollte ich wegen Papa zu Dr. Metzger, traf ihn aber nicht. Besuch bei Anne Storz, Treffen Frau Schmitt. Mittwoch, 19. Sept. Mittags melden auf dem Arbeitsamt. Don̄ erstag, 20. Sept. Vormittags in D. Seestraße, EinmachGläser holen. Nachmittags in Waldenbuch Milchreise. Papa ganz schlecht. [page 111] Freitag, 21. Sept. Eltenmorgens im Bett. Mittags richten Wir Mais mit Familie Schare. Samstag, 22. Sept. Am Montag sollen die Möbel aus GroßSachsenheim geholt werden, deshalb fahren W. u. ich mit den Rädern hin um das verZubereiten. Bei Frau Merz u. Frau Dr. �Metzger. Mittagessen b. Frau Merz: ApfelKuchen u. Sußmost!! Frau Merz besorgt uns Kartoffeln u. Obst. Auf d. Heimfahrt Apfelkauf. Son̄ tag, 23. Sept. Werner u. ich fahren morgens mit den Rädern nach Deckenpfron̄ u. kunden dort Abholen der Kartoffeln f. Freitag an. Bekom= men Mehl u. Brot. [1 word illegible]. Zum Essen wieder daheim. Papa schlecht, ich gehe mittags mit ihm zu Dr. Metzger, Dr. Gundert, Onkel Alfreds. Er soll nun ins Bürgerspital kom̄ en. Montag, 24. Sept. Herr Schare kan̄ nicht nach Groß-Sachsenheim fahren, der Wagen läuft nicht recht. W. fährt hin. Wir gehen nun mit Papa zu Dr. Gundert u. bringen ihn ins Bürgerspital in die Nervenklinik. Wir gehen sehr betrält zu Schwenkels u. zu Frau Bäuerle. [page 112] Dienstag, 25. Sept. Morgens daheim. Nachmittags haben W. u. ich auf dem Mägele Bett u. Tischaus der Seestraße. Mama bei Papa. Mittwoch, 26. Sept. W. u. ich holen M mittags Holz im Wald. Mama im Bürgerspital. Papa ordentlich. Don̄ erstag, 27. Sept. �Kalt u. regnerisch. Morgens daheim u. einkaufen. Mittags Säcke nähen. W. Holt Glas in der Seestraße. Freitag, 28. Sept. Nachmittags gehe ich mit Mama nach Waldenbuch. Bei Wieses, Schalls und Milchholen. Rückfahrt im fast leeren Zug. Werner holt mit Herr Schare, (er auch seine holt) Kartoffeln aus Deckenpfron̄ . Ernsts bekom̄ en von uns ein Bett! Er bringt 12 [1 word illegible]! Abends nach Abladen. Samstag, 29. Sept. Werner fährt vormittags mit dem Rad nach Deckenpfron̄ u. bringt die Säcke zurück kom̄ t sehr erfolgerich mit Brot, Mehl, Butter Schmaltz!! Zurück. [page 113] Son̄ tag, 30. September. Nachmittags sind Onkel Alfreds zum Kaffee da. Montag, 1. Oktober. Werner fährt nach Heidenheim, um nach den Möbeln zu sehen. Ich gehe morgens in die Stadt (zi Herr Mack wegen der Schule usw.) Mittags mit Mama im Wald leine Holzsam̄ eln. Dienstag, 2. Okt. Morgens Wäsche. In der Stadt bei Renner [?] wegen Fahrradreisen. Mittags Holz brechen, Buschele machen; bügeln. �Mittwoch, 3. Okt. Morgens bügeln. Mittags kom̄ t Werner mit den Rad von Heidenheim zurück. Er hatte mit den Möbeln umziehen helfen. Gegen Abend mit Frau Schare in Vaihingen - Filderkan̄ t holden. Don̄ erstag, 4. Okt. Uberraschend kom̄ t Morgens Tante Erika! Sie hatte die Besetzungs in Ostereich bei ihrer Schwie= gertochter und Enkelkind erlebt u. hatte bis jetzt keine Ausreiseerlaubnis bekom̄ en. Mittags fahren Werner u. ich nach Groß-Heppach. Wir bekom̄ en 120 [1 word illegible] Äpfel. Weil wir kein Auto bekom̄ em, transportieren wir alles auf den Rädern! Ein Schlauch! Wir kom̄ en spät heim. [page 114] Freitag, 5. Oktober. Vormittags Haushalt, dan̄ besuche ich Anne Stoz in ihren B... [?] Tübingerstraße. Wir treffen Helga flecherd. Am Son̄ tag soll Zusammenkunst in Zuffenhausen bei Brig. Wolt sein! - Dan̄ hole ich in der Seestraße mein Rad, das wir am morgen Tag dortsie gebracht hatten, um mit den Rädern heim fahren zu können. Mittags Äpfel u. Kartoffel richten u. unterbringen. Besuch v. Treibers u. Herr Röffler. Abends mit Werner Milchholen in Waldenbuch. Wir kom̄ en spät heim. Samstag, 6. Okt. Morgens Haushalt. Mittags allein daheim. �Mama im Krankenhaus. Bugeln, Nähen usw. Besuch von Tante Martha. Werner in Rutesheim bei Frau Artmann. Son̄ tag, 7. Okt. Vormittags daheim. Werner macht Tanzstun= denbesuch. Nachmittags Klassenzusam̄ enkunft bei Brigitte Walt. Sehr nett. Aus Storz, H. Elethald, Lotte Puth, Rose Gährum, Lore Krämer, U. U Häuserman̄ , Freutsch [?] sind da. Eifriges Erzählen! Abends fülle ich meinen Fragebagen für mein Einsetzung als Schulhelferin aus. [page 115] Montag, 8. Okt. Vormittags fährt Mama nach Heidenheim ab. Ich gehe zu Papa, bei dem es aber schlecht ist. Nachmittags mit Werner Holzholen im Wald. Dienstag, 9. Okt. Morgens Haushalt. Lebensmittelkarten holen. In Stuttgart bei Herr Meck, der mich zur Volksschule schickt. In der Seestraße parken W. U. ich einen Wagen mit Kartoffelständer u. Kraustände v. a. Dingen u. ziehen ihn 3. Std. lang nach Vaihingen. Dan̄ besuch ich noch Papa. Mittwoch, 10. Okt. Morgens Bezirks schulamt (niemand da) und Sparkasse. Mama kom̄ t von Heidenheim zurück. Mittags fahren W. U. ich wegen Holtztransport nach Waldenbuch – vergeblich. Milch. ½10 zurück. �Don̄ erstag, 11. Okt. Morgens Haushalt. Mittags zu Schulrat Sie= ber. Ich kan̄ in Vaihingen an der Schule an= gestellt werden, wen̄ man mich dort brauchen kann. Mittags Keller richten. Schares machen Sußmost ein. Wir helfe u. bekom̄ en auch davon. Abends Besuch von Treibers. Frau Treiber ist Lehrerin an der Österfeldschule! Freitag, 12. Okt. Morgens am 8 Uhr l mit Frau Triber bei Herr Kipp, den Schulleitter der Ostfeldschule. Er kan̄ mich brauchen - Anstellung gleich am Montag! Mittags bei Schulrat Sieber – Anstellung als Schulselheim. Mit Werner nach Waldenbuch. Wieder kein Holztrans [page 116] port<. Abend bei Wieses. Paquet da. Übernachten in Waldenbuch. x Milch famstern. Samstag, 13. Okt. Früh aufstehen. Frühstück mit Wieses. Heimfahrt Mit dem Rad. H. Löffeler da. Er war bei Tante Cläre in Ravensburg. – Haushalt.x Mittags daheim abend mit W. Bei Löfflers. Wir holen da Koffer mit Papas Sachen, den H. Löffler aus Ravensburg mitgebracht hatte. x Kraut ein, holen f. Son̄ es... [?] Son̄ tag, 14. Okt. Vormittags bei Schwenkels, Grosmama den Mantel aus Ravensburg bringen, dan̄ bei Papa. Er spricht daurend von der Furchtbaren Ratastrahle, die uber uns kon̄ en wird. – Frau Linder besucht Mama. – Mittags daheim. �Montag, 15. Okt. Anfang in der Österfeldschule. 2 Stdn. höre ich Mit 2 anderen Schulhelferin̄ en bei Herr Kipp in Kl. 7 u. 8 zu, dan̄ soll ich mit Frau Kunst eine Staffplan machen, auch mittags von 2-4 Uhr. Werner In Waldenbuch. Anite, Tanzstunde. Dienstag, 16. Okt. Morgens habe ich Buben Kl. 8 in Rechnen, dan̄ Wärdehen Kl. 3 Lesen. Lehrerbesprechung. Mittags ABC-Schutzen Lesen, schreiben. Abends nach Waldenbuch, Holz laden, am gleichen Abend nach Heimfahrt mit dem Rad. [page 117] Mittwoch, 17. Okt. Morgens da kom̄ t das Holz aus Waldenbuch. abladen. Vormittags in der Fangelsbachschule. Oberschultet kim̄ ich spricht über Unterreicht an der. 1. Klasse. Mittags kl. 1. Abends Frau Schum̄ Dr. Anite wird nach der Tanzstunde von Mac Killop im Ause abgeholt. Don̄ erstag, 18. Okt. Schule. Abends holen Tante Martha u. Ameiren uns Kraut. Die bringen Quitten. Freitag, 19. Okt. Ich hole Mädchen Kl. 7 u 8. 2 Stdn über Wald. Tiere. Samstag, 20. Okt. Kl. 7. U. 8 lesen u. rechnen. Vom Wahnungsamt aus sollen wir von unsere �4 Zim̄ ern nach eines vermieten Son̄ tag, 21. Okt. Von 7 – 12 Uhr muß die Bevölkerung der ganze Gegend Dreckhausen megschippen. Nachmittags beim Kaffee Tante Erica da. Werner u. Anite kom̄ en von der Tanzstunde. Mac Killop holt Anite ab. Montag, 22. Okt. Gegen Abend bei Papa. Dienstag, 23. Okt. ? Mittwoch, 24. Okt. Nachmittags mit Mama in Waldenbuch, bei Laiblins, Frau Löppler Stadt, Wieses usw. Im Dauerlauf zum Zug! 5½ l Milch! Heimfahrt. [page 118] Don̄ erstag, 25. Oktober. Mittags Buben Kl. 5. Freitag 26. Okt. Mittags Buben Kl. 5. Abends Anite da. Mac Killop. Samstag, 27. Okt. Um 10 Uhr Schulhelferkurs in der Fangelsbach= schule. Rechnen Kl. 1 u. Dienstanweisung. Nachmittags Besuch von Familie Wiese. Alles sagt da!! Sehr nett. Son̄ tag, 28. Okt. Vormittags 7-12 Uhr schippen. Nachmittags Besuch von Tante Erica u. Rolf. Ich richte mir einen �Faltenrock. Montag, 29. Okt. Letzte Stunde nachmittags lehrerrat. – In der Schule habe ich noch kein eigene Klasse, sondern muß im̄ er zu Aushilfe in solche Klassen, wo da Lehrer weg ist. Die übrigen Stdn. muß ich hospitieren. Dienstag, 30. Okt. Morgens Kl. 7 u. 8 Rechnenaufsicht. Kl 1, Kl. 2. Nachmittags Buben, Kl. 6. Mittwoch, 31. Okt. Zuhrien bei Frau Treiber. Kl. 1.3. Stdn. Mittags u. Abends mit W. In Waldenbuch. Thaos bei Laichs!! Werner Tanzstundenausflug soll nach Waldenbuch gehen. [page 119] Don̄ erstag, 1. November. Morgens Kl. 7 u. 8 Mädchen Gedicht lernen u. lesen, dan̄ Kl. 3 Buben. Mittags Kl. 7 u. 8 Naturkunde u. Singen. Abends Siefariekonzert im Furtbachhaus. Hayde, Mozart a-der Violinkonzert, Beethoven Eroica. Freitag, 2. Nov. Morgens 2. Stdn. Kl. 5 u. 6 Mädchen, dan̄ heim. Herringssalat. Mittags Kl. 5 Buben, nicht schön. Samstag, 3. Nov. Vormittags Schulhelferkurs in der Hausteigeschule. Harrer über Rechtschreiben, Rechnen. Psychologie. Bei Locher. Mittags bei Papa – ordentlich. SchulBücher holen in der Seestraße, Son̄ tag, 4. Nov. �Morgens Haushalt. Werners Tanzstunden= ausflug nach Waldenbuch. Nachmittags wolle ich Klassenzusam̄ enkunst bei wir halten auch Frl. Uhland war eingeladen, aber die Postging zu langsam u. deshalb kam niemand außer Rose. Trotzdem alles so werkracht war u. ich sehr enttäuscht, am der es mit Rose auchrecht nett. Montag, 5. November. Morgens Kl. 5 Mädchen u. Kl. 1 Buben. Mittags Kl. 6 Buben. Frau Treiber meistert sie nicht. Abends nach der Tanzstunden Anite da. [page 120] Dienstag, 6. Nov. Morgens lehrerrat. Mittags kl. 5 Buben. Abends mit Werner im Theater. „Angeborg“, Komodie von Kult Gutz. Mittwoch, 7. Nov. Nachmittags Kl. 5 u. Kl 1. Nachmittags Schulhelferkurs. Aufruhr bei Harrer! Kein Bezahlung bis jetzt usw. Don̄ erstag, 8. Nov. Morgens u. Mittags Kl. 5. Abends Schreibma= schinenschriben daheim. (Werner geht ja schon seit Anfang Oktober in die Handelschule.) Freitag, 9. Nov. Ich bekom̄ e endlich eine eigene Klasse! Klasse 4 Mädchen. Nette Kinder. Mittags Schulhelferbesprechung mit Herr Kipp. Kalt Samstag, 10. Nov. �Nachts schneit es! Morgens Schule. Schulerlisten. Lehrerrat. Bekom̄ e ich noch ein Klasse? Mittags daheim. Mama kuche. Schnee. Son̄ tag, 11. Nov. Mittags mit Mama im Krankenhaus bei Papa. Sehr schlecht, Papa im Bett, hat tiefe Depression, möchte sterben. Lähmung auf der linken Seite. Geheimblutung? Dan̄ bei Schwenkels. [page 121] Montag, 12. Nov. Ich bekom̄ e noch kl. 3 Buben. Vor= u. Nachmittags Schule. Mittwoch, 14. Nov. Mittags Schulhelferkurz. Mama kom̄ t ganz Verzweifelt von Papa, bei den es sehr schlecht ist. Links ganz gelähmt, nicht bei Bewußtsein. Ist noch Hoffnung? Don̄ erstag, 15. Nov. Werner geht morgens zu Papa, der viel ißt. Herr Kipp schinkt mich heim. Schlim̄ er Tag. Mittags mit Mama bei Papa, da viel spricht. Etwas besser als am gestrigen dach. Freitag, 16. Nov. Mittags bei Papa. Samstag, 17. Nov. Mittags bei Papa. Zustand sehr ernst. Son̄ tag, 18. Nov. Werner morgens bei Schippen. Mittags alle 3 bei Papa. Onkel Hans u. Tante Martha da. �Schlecht; kur Montag, 19 Nov. Papa sehr schlecht. Herr Sihler u. Tante Martha da. [page 122] Dienstag, 20. Nov. Besuch von Frau Linder. Mittags mit Mama bei Papa. Tante Martha u. Großmama kom̄ en auch. Don̄ erstag, 22. Nov. Papas Zustand sehr ernst. Wir wissen nicht, ob wir ihn behalten dürfen. Abends Milchfanster in Waldenbuch. M Freitag, 23. Nov. Werner morgens bei Papa. – Es kommen 2 Herren von der Militaärregierung wegen Papas Ver= öffentlichungen. Mittags Mama u. Werner in Eßlingen. Ich bei Papa. Schluß viel, nicht recht bei Bewußtsein. Samstag, 24. Nov. Morgens frei. Mama im Bett. Werner morgens im Bürgerspital. Ich mittags mit Mama bei Papa. Verwirrt, schluß. Son̄ tag, 25. Nov. Mittags mit W. bei Papa. Montag, 26. Nov. Papa wieder nicht gut. [page 122] [page is blank] �[page 123] [page is blank] [back inside cover] [blank] [back cover] [blank] � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Description An account of the resource Ernst Stuhlinger was born in 1913 in Niederrimbach, Germany, and died in 2008 in Huntsville, AL, USA. Stuhlinger was a German scientist brought to the United States through Operation Paperclip, and like many of his Paperclip peers, he became a naturalized United States citizen in 1955. Stuhlinger’s accomplishments in both promoting and advancing space travel were many. He worked as a technical consultant with Walt Disney Pictures to create “Man in Space” (1955), “Man and the Moon” (1955), and “Mars and Beyond” (1958). Stuhlinger contributed to the 1958 launch of the Explorer I satellite by inventing a timing device, helped design the solar x-ray telescope used in the Skylab space station, worked on the Apollo Telescope Mount, worked on the initial phases for what would become the Hubble Space Telescope, and authored “Ion Propulsion for Space Flight.” Stuhlinger served as the Marshall Space Flight Center in Huntsville’s director of the Space Sciences Laboratory from 1960 to 1968, and then as the associate director for science from 1968 to 1975; he retired in 1975. After retiring, Stuhlinger joined the University of Alabama in Huntsville as an adjunct professor and senior research scientist, and he stayed on for two decades. Relation A related resource <a href="http://libarchstor.uah.edu:8081/repositories/2/resources/91">View the Ernst Stuhlinger Collection finding aid on ArchivesSpace</a> Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context spc_stuh_000015_transcript Title A name given to the resource Transcript of Irmgard Stuhlinger 1944-1945 Journal Description An account of the resource Irmgard Stuhlinger was the wife of Ernst Stuhlinger, a scientist acquired in Operation Paperclip. In this journal she details her daily life starting from her 19th birthday under the rule of the Third Reich, toward the end of the second World War. She touches on topics such as war, post-secondary education, death of family members, the acquisition of housing, and holidays in the latter part of the war. Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1940-1949 Subject The topic of the resource Stuhlinger, Irmgard Lotze Stuhlinger, Werner Family Holidays World War, 1939-1945--Germany Germany--History--1933-1945 Stuttgart (Germany) Type The nature or genre of the resource Diaries Transcripts Text Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Ernst Stuhlinger Collection Box 2 University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives, Special Collections, and Digital Initiatives, Huntsville, Alabama Language A language of the resource de Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Relation A related resource spc_stuh_2023_02 Has Format A related resource that is substantially the same as the pre-existing described resource, but in another format. <a href="http://libarchstor2.uah.edu/digitalcollections/items/show/13455">Irmgard Stuhlinger 1944-1945 Journal</a> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Stuhlinger, Irmgard Lotze https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/193/13772/Defense_Billboard_1_001.pdf dbd183ab24f19d174c436024af2e7040 PDF Text Text M A K E THIS YOUR FOR He never thought twice about wearing a helmet. Now he can't think at all. Even a little spill on a motorcycle can prove you're not as hardheaded as you thought. Helmets save lives. And help prevent paralyzing blows to the skull. It's that simple. Now don't you have a lot more than your image to protect? . / / X . . BILLBOARD9! "HALF OF FHOSF K III CAHS COOW OF SAVFO 0C HSIHO SFAIBFllS. MOHF FHAH HALF OF AIL 01 A0I0 COASHFS AOF ALCOHOLMAFFO. • • • yEfO * "W Amar/can Fore: Information torvlee, Dtp.rlm.nl of D.t.n: 601 N. Fairfax Kraal, Ream 312, Alexandria, VA 22314-2007 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Defense Billboard Posters Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Defense_Billboard_1 Title A name given to the resource "Make this your last belt for the road" Alternative Title An alternative name for the resource. The distinction between titles and alternative titles is application-specific. D2.9/2:988/1 Description An account of the resource X-ray with skeleton with cracked skull and seat belt unfastened Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Department of Defense Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1988-02-01 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980-1989 Subject The topic of the resource Department of Defense poster United States--Department of Defense Automobiles--Seat belts Head--Wounds and injuries X-rays Type The nature or genre of the resource Posters Still Image Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The University of Alabama in Huntsville M. Louis Salmon Library Defense Billboards Posters Case 1, Drawer 1 Language A language of the resource en Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Relation A related resource Defense Billboards https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/193/13773/Defense_Billboard_10_001.pdf 494771d9dd44ed962a98c4e5fa598e61 PDF Text Text 7 0 0 0 0 £ THEY 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 SMOKEY Li ^ 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 77:7 ' 7'. % 0 0 i 0 0 , V- M ..... , ^,7,,-;. .... As the Surgeon General pointed out earlier this year, smoking is addictive — a very tough habit to break. With that in mind, lay off quoting the death statistics. Instead, provide patience, encouragement — and maybe some chewing gum. Before long, he'll answer to "Teddy. 99 inrii/igi *10 yCiO Am9rican Forces Information Service. Department of Defense * • 601 N. Fairfax Street, Room 312. Alexandria. VA 22314 2007 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Defense Billboard Posters Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Defense_Billboard_10 Title A name given to the resource "They Used to Call Him Smokey; As the Surgeon General pointed out earlier this year, smoking is addictive-a very tough habit to break. With that in mind, lay off quoting the death statistics. Instead, provide patience, encouragement-and maybe some chewing gum. Before long, he'll answer to "Teddy."" Alternative Title An alternative name for the resource. The distinction between titles and alternative titles is application-specific. D2.9:Sm7/3 Description An account of the resource Angry bear with button that says he's just quit smoking and to bear with him Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Department of Defense Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1988-12-02 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1980-1989 Subject The topic of the resource Department of Defense poster United States--Department of Defense Puns Bears Smoking cessation Type The nature or genre of the resource Posters Still Image Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The University of Alabama in Huntsville M. Louis Salmon Library Defense Billboard Posters Case 1, Drawer 1 Language A language of the resource en Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Relation A related resource Defense Billboards https://digitalprojects.uah.edu/files/original/193/13774/Defense_Billboard_100_001.pdf db6ef0e48f9dec64b6a337dac25ef990 PDF Text Text American Forces Information Service• Department of Defense 601 N. Fairfax Street. Suite312,• Alexandria, VA 22314*2007 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Defense Billboard Posters Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Defense_Billboard_100 Title A name given to the resource "Asian Pacific Heritage Month" Alternative Title An alternative name for the resource. The distinction between titles and alternative titles is application-specific. D2.9:D36/2/No.100 Description An account of the resource Various figures of Asian Pacific Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Department of Defense Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1996-05-23 Temporal Coverage Temporal characteristics of the resource. 1990-1999 Subject The topic of the resource Department of Defense poster United States--Department of Defense Asian/Pacific Islander American Heritage Month Asian Americans Soldiers Type The nature or genre of the resource Posters Still Image Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The University of Alabama in Huntsville M. Louis Salmon Library Defense Billboard Posters Case 1, Drawer 1 Language A language of the resource en Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This material may be protected under U. S. Copyright Law (Title 17, U.S. Code) which governs the making of photocopies or reproductions of copyrighted materials. You may use the digitized material for private study, scholarship, or research. Though the University of Alabama in Huntsville Archives and Special Collections has physical ownership of the material in its collections, in some cases we may not own the copyright to the material. It is the patron's obligation to determine and satisfy copyright restrictions when publishing or otherwise distributing materials found in our collections. Relation A related resource Defense Billboards